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Rhode Island

Historical Society
Collections

Vol. XXVI.

JANUARY, 1933

No. 1

METAL TOKENS USED AS CURRENCY

Metal tokens issued in Providence in 1844 and 1863 which were used
as money on account of the lack of metal fractional currency.

From the Society's Museum

Issued Quarts

. JUH -7 B33 j

CA'.

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island

CONTENTS

PAGE

Tradesmen's Tokens ..... Cover

Colonial Newport as a Summer Resort,

by Carl Bridenbaugh ..... 1

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . . 24

Notes 24

Peace Dale Seals,

Communicated by Caroline Hazard . . 25

Westconnaug Purchase,

Communicated by T. G. Foster ... 26

RHODE
HISTORICAL

ISLAND

SOCIETY

COLLECTIONS

Vol. XXVI.

JANUARY, 1933

No.

William Davis Miller, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.

Colonial Newport as a Summer Resort

"y Carl Bridenbaugh

At the southern tip of the island of Rhode Island lies
Newport, of which it has been said, "The climate is the most
salubrious of any part of his Majesty's possessions in
America. ... It is made the resort every summer of numer-
ous wealthy inhabitants of the Southern Colonies, and the
West Indies, seeking health and pleasure. For the same
reasons, and to enjoy the refined and polished Society of
Newport, many families of fortune from the West Indies
and Europe have taken up their permanent residence there ;
and among them many men of science and education have
. . . made it their abode. . . . There are upwards of nine
thousand inhabitants, celebrated for their hospitality to
strangers, and extremely genteel and courtly in their
manners."1

2 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

This is not modern real estate promotion "literature,"
but an excerpt from a letter written in the year 1765 by
Robert Melville, governor of His Majesty's Colony of
Grenada. The fame which Newport enjoys today as a
summer resort of wealth and fashion dates from colonial
days, and long before the American Revolution it had
achieved its established position as "Our Social Capital."
The- climate of the Narragansett country was likened by
Bishop Berkeley to that of Italy,2 and Richard Greenough,
a native son, heartily echoed his sentiment when he dubbed
it the "American Venice."" The Reverend Mr. Cal lender
quoted with pride in his Century Sermon of 1 7.^8 the words
of praise uttered by "old Neale": "this is deservedly
esteemed the Paradise of New-England for the fruitful -
ness of the Soil and the temperateness of the Climate."4
In 1 798, writing of the scene of his boyhood, Arthur Brown
recalled that "the Climate of Rhode Island, often called the
garden and the Montpelier of America, induced such num-
bers of wealthy persons from the southward to reside there
in the summer, that it was ludicrously called the Carolina
hospital."'"

The earliest visitors to Newport were planters from the
West Indies who came there to enjoy its beneficial climate.
Several invalid Antiguans arrived at Newport as early as
1729, to rebuild their health which had been impaired by
the excessive heat of that tropical island.1' Many of these
people became enamored of the beautiful Narragansett
country and determined to settle there. When Bishop
Berkeley landed, in 1 729, he was greeted by the Redwoods
of Antigua, the DeCourcys of Ireland, the Bretts of Ger-
many, and the Scotts of Scotland. Newport was already
famous as a watering place.'

Before long the South Carolinians, many of whom
originally came from Barbadoes and other islands of the
Caribbees, began to sense the desirability of a vacation spent
away from the fever-infested swamps of the Carolina tide-
water/ Among the first of the summer visitors from

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT 6

Charles Town, was Col. Thomas Pollock, who came to
"enjoy the advantages of the Climate," and "passed much
of his time in Newport." Pollock practically became a
resident of Newport, and contributed, through one of his
children, to the greatest romance in the history of the
town.9

The early Newport records have suffered from the rav-
ages of time and war, and our information is slim indeed.
But we may infer from what little we possess that the
stream of visitors grew steadily following 1730. In par-
ticular, the number of South Carolinians increased, and in
this period it began to be fashionable as well as beneficial
for southern planters to summer on Rhode Island. About
this time also Philadelphia's growing merchant aristocracy
discovered the charm of Newport.

No record of the concourse of visitors was kept until after
the founding of the Newport Mercury in 1758. The enter-
prising Samuel Hall and his successor, Solomon South-
wick, took a forward step for American journalism when,
in 1 767, in addition to the usual shipping news, they began
to print lists of summer arrivals. It was doubtless a source
of considerable satisfaction for the shopkeepers of Newport
to read in the Mercury of June 1/8, 1767, that "Last
Thursday, the Sloop Charlestown, Capt. Joseph Durfee,
arrived here from Charlestown, South-Carolina, in 9 days,
with whom came Passengers, the Reverend Winwood
Serjant, intended for the Episcopal Church in Cambridge,
near Boston, together with his Lady, and a number of other
Gentlemen and Ladies. The whole Number of Passengers
amounted to Eighteen." From 1 767 down to the outbreak
of hostilities in 1 775 these notices became a regular feature
of the Newport Mercury. It was Southwick's custom in
this period to print the names of prominent visitors in cap-
itals, whereas the familiar coming and going of the mercan-
tile group was restricted to ordinary font. The activities of
the world of fashion, thus early in our colonial society,
became better headline material than the simpler doings of

4 K II ( i|)l' ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIKTY

mere men of affairs. Here, in embryo, is our modern so-
ciety column, a feature unique in the colonial press.10

The lists of arrivals grew steadily in size, and in the eight
years before the Revolution we know that over four hun-
dred people visited Newport in the summer season.11 It is
possible that the unchronicled arrivals totalled many more.
By far the largest number came from South Carolina, al-
though Philadelphia and Jamaica contributed their share.
A striking feature of these lists is the fact that although
Newport had a regular packet service to New York, as well
as to the West Indies and the South, and probably trans-
acted more business with that town than any other, not one
New York name is to be found. Perhaps the Knicker-
bockers had already found their way to Long Island and
the Catskills.12

Good boat service was absolutely necessary to Newport's
development as a resort. In 1767 there was no continuous
road from the South to New England, and even had there
been one, the distance and rigors of the trip would have
discouraged all but the most hardy. The journey could
more conveniently be made by sea. In this period Newport
was enjoying the "golden era" of her commerce with the
West Indies. Packet ships from Narragansett Bay were to
be found in all of the southern ports and in the havens of
the Caribbean.1" Captains sought passengers as well as
cargoes, and probably many a planter was lured north by
highly colored "sales talks" expatiating on the beauties of
Rhode Island. The conclusion is inescapable that Newport
could not have become a resort had it not been first a flour-
ishing seaport.

Comfort and convenience, however, were merely rela-
tive, whatever the means of travel in colonial days and the
journey by sea to Rhode Island was hazardous, to say the
least. The Atlantic coastline was almost uncharted and
lighthouses were few. We marvel today that families
would ever have made the attempt when we read in the
Mercury of June 18, 1 770, of a vessel wrecked near New

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT 5

London:14 "This Vessel was chartered by Col. Smith, of
Charlestown, S. Carolina, in which himself, his Lady, 4
Children and 4 Servants, and several other Personages,
were coming to this Place to Spend the Summer. But hap-
pily there was no Person lost except the Mate, who was
drowned. — Col. Smith and his Family arrived safe here
yesterday." Perhaps some, of whom we have no record,
were not so fortunate, but it seems safe to assume that those
who were not so opulent as Col. Smith and chose the regular
packet boats were probably favored with better passages
under the care of expert pilots. At any rate, the packet
service became the favorite means of transportation. It was,
however, a long and tedious voyage to Newport, requiring
from Jamaica twenty-five to thirty-three days,1" from
Charles Town, seven to sixteen (ten being the aver-
age),10 and from Philadelphia, four to six days.1' When
the packet sloop or brig slid past Beaver Tail Light and tied
up at Long Wharf, Newport, we may be assured that the
weary travelers sighed with relief and hurried ashore to
meet their waiting friends. Newport must have had its
attractions to cause people to risk both comfort and safety
to enjoy them.

Who were the people who summered in Newport? From
what class of society in their native towns did they come?
Fortunately, the Newport Mercury affords the answers.
That they could bear the costs of traveling indicates that
most of them were wealthy, and an investigation of their
backgrounds proves that many of the people who came
from the southern colonies and the West Indies were of the
British official class. "On Monday last came to Town, from
Boston, His Excellency Lord Charles Greville Montague,
governor of South Carolina and his Lady, ... to pass a few
weeks."18 We have already noted the arrival of Robert
Melville, governor of Grenada.1''1 In September, 1772,
"... Lieut. Gov. Young of Tobago being in Town," in-
vited the Reverend Ezra Stiles to call on him. "I waited
upon him and his Lady," wrote the Congregational Min-

6 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

ister, "and spent three hours with him.""" In the same year
Lord William Campbell, last royal governor of South
Carolina, spent some time in Newport with "his Lady," the
former Sarah Izard of Charles Town."1 Newport was par-
ticularly attractive to the "Hon. Augustus Johnston, Esq;
Judge of the Court of Vice-Admiralty for South-Caro-
lina ;" he and his "Consort" passed the summers of 1769
and 1 770 there.2" Those minor officials in the colonial and
naval service who could afford the luxury were also to be
found summering at Newport."

The merchant princes of Charles Town and the wealthy
planters of South Carolina constitute the largest group to
visit Newport. Fear of the yellow and "country" fevers
had for years driven the Carolina planters into Charles
Town during the summer months, and after 1 765 the fame
of Rhode Island lured them northward. A glance at the
"society page" of the Mercury, June 26, 1769, informs us
that: "Last Friday Capt. Joseph Durfee, in the Sloop
Charles-Town, arriv'd here in 7 Days from Charles-Town,
with whom came Passengers the Hon. Augustus Johnston,
Esq; Judge of the Court of Vice-Admiralty for South-
Carolina, &c. Henry Middleton, Esq; and Family." The
brig Betsy, in July, landed another group: "Mr. John
Izard, Esq; and Family, Alexander Wright, Esq; and
Family, and Archibald McNeil, Esq; and Family," from
Charles Town after a passage of twelve days."4 Two years
later a flutter was caused in the social set by the arrival of
"Lieut. Gov. Bull, Mr. William Bull, Mr. Outerbridge,
Miss Katy Beale, Dr. John Farquharson, Mr. Gabriel
Manigault, Miss Hazell, Mr. Philip Mines, Mr. John
Morgery, Mr. Isaac Milehill , and others."""

By 1768 the blueboods of Philadelphia began that an-
nual pilgrimage to the Narragansett Bay country which
continues to this day. On August 15, the Mercury an-
nounced the arrival of "Mr. John Wharton, and Sister,
Mr. Samuel Nichols, Mr. Williams, and Sister, Mr. Benj.
Razvles, of Philadelphia." In the seven year period cov-

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT /

ered by this paper, we note among other members of
Philadelphia society the names of Mr. Clement Biddle,
Mr. Josiah Hewes, Mr. Gilbert Rodman, Mr. Christopher
Marshall, the Lillibridge family, Thomas Mifflin and fam-
ily, the Philadelphia Redwoods, and Mr. Lewis Bon-
nettee.20 From Jamaica, Georgia, and North Carolina came
summer visitors whose names are less familiar today, but
who certainly were socially important in the eighteenth
century.

The season was long, for the Southerners especially,
commencing as early as the first week in May, and lasting
till October, occasionally into November. This we also
learn from the Mercury, which began to take notice of
departures in its issue of November 6, 1769: "This Day
sail'd the Sloop Charles-Town, Capt. Joseph Durfee, for
Charles-Town, South-Carolina, with whom went Passen-
gers, Mrs. Wells and Daughter, Augustus Johnston, Esq;
Mr. Sanderson, Mr. Edwards, and Mr. Nathaniel Russel."
The Philadelphians, being mostly merchants, had of neces-
sity to yield to the calls of business, and generally left early
in September. On September 6, 1773,27 "sailed for Phil-
adelphia, the Sloop Peace and Plenty, Capt. Joseph An-
thony, with whom went Passengers, Thomas Mifflin, Esq;
and Lady; Mr. Thomas Hopkins, and Lady, Mr. Charles
Startin, and Lady, Mrs. Sheilds, Miss Nabby Collins, Mr.
John Gardner, Capt. George Crump, Mr. William Mc-
Donald, Mr. John Grant, Mr. Samuel G. Fowler, Mr.
John P. Hicks, and several others."

A summer spent in Newport was an expensive affair that
only the well-to-do could afford. The cost of transporta-
tion, alone, for a family and retinue was great; "genteel"
folk would feel it necessary to hire the whole cabin on the
packet sloop. When they arrived at Newport, the wealthier
families took houses for the period of their stay. In the
spring and early summer the Mercury was filled with ad-
vertisements like the following:28

or.

RHODE ISLAND 1! [STORICAL SOCIETY

To Be Let, A Genteel House and Furniture,
with a Garden, &c, pleasantly located. . . .

By Caleb Godfrey.

TO LET | two Houses] very convenient and pleas-
antly situated, with two good Stables, Gardens, and
Wells of Water, &c . . . . Enquire of the Printer
hereof.

Gabriel Manigault, of Charles Town, who was reputed the
richest gentleman in the Colonies,1""' would probably have
taken such a residence when he arrived for the season.

Some of the regular summer visitors owned estates near
Newport, and may be regarded as the forerunners of the
Van Rensselaers and Belmonts. Mr. William Rodman, of
Philadelphia, owned "The Noted Farm on New-Shore-
ham," which was advertised for sale by William Ellery in
1 772."" Occasionally one of the high provincial officials was
invited to stay with a prominent family of Newport. In
1728 Lord Charles Greville Montague "went to the
Country-Seat of Mr. William Redwood, . . . where, we
hear, His Lordship proposes to pass a few weeks."31 Here,
too, he probably found the Philadelphia Redwoods, who
frequently spent the summer with their Newport cousins.

The less opulent had to be satisfied with simpler accom-
modations in the town itself, such as "Three Genteel
Rooms, pleasantly situated in Marlborough-Street, with
the Priviledge of a Garret, Yard, and Cellar," or "a Gen-
teel Parlour, furnished with Two Bed-Rooms, with a
Priviledge in the Kitchen, and Accomodations for a Ser-
vant, in the good, clear Air, and retired." There were no
real estate agents in those days, and one procured lodgings
by consulting the printer of the Newport Mercury?' Single
men, of whom there were many, generally lodged at tav-
erns like Mary Cowley's, in Church Street, which adver-
tised "several decent rooms and beds unoccupied," for
"gentlemen."'3

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT y

The arrival of the summer visitors was welcomed by the
shopkeepers and taverners of the town as a good chance to
"turn an honest penny." John and William Tweedy,
druggists, and their competitors, Reak and Okey, adver-
tised their cure-alls and nostrums with an almost modern
assurance: "The Golden Medical Cephalic Snuff," to cure
all disorders of the head; "British tooth-powder," at 2/6
per box; and "The True Italian Ointment," at 3/6. The
ladies greatly feared injury to their complexions from ex-
posure to the sun, and for this Reak and Okey prescribed
"Queen's pearl wash ball," guaranteed to remove "freckles
and sunburn. It renders the skin delicately white, smooth,
and soft. . . . ""4 What modern cosmetic could promise
more? In 1773, "Poree, Surgeon-Dentist" from New
York, made a short trip to Newport in July, "at the inter-
cession of some worthy gentlemen," no doubt hoping to
find a market for his "artificial teeth" among the summer
people,'" for he put up at Mrs. Cowley's "genteel" board-
ing house. John Escoffier, "just arrived from Paris," in-
forms the public that he has opened a "Hair-Dressing
Business" and "makes Hair Cushions for Ladies.""'' John
Goddard, cabinet-maker, who copies Chippendale's pat-
terns from a manual recently imported, hastens to prepare
new styles of furniture for his West Indian customers.3'
Paris fashions being all the rage, the modish female will of
course wish to visit the shop of "mary martin, Mil-
lener and Mantua-Maker, Lately arrived from Paris.
N. B. She dresses ladies heads, for half a dollar, at the
Shop; and if waited on, at a dollar. . . ."'iS The South-
erners and West Indians had a reputation as free spenders,
and these Yankee tradesmen intended to operate on this
assumption.""

An analysis of the lists published in the Mercury reveals
certain social characteristics common to nearly all of the
summer colony. West Indians and Southerners were pre-
dominantly members of the Anglican communion. Of the
Philadelphians the majority also worshipped at the Estab-

10 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

lished Church, although there was a strong minority be-
longing to the Society of Friends. These travelers, there-
fore, would find in Newport, where Quakers and Episco-
palians formed the most influential sects, a society especially
congenial in the sphere of religion.4" Socially the members
of the summer group came almost wholly from the rising
merchant aristocracy of the colonial towns. Most of the
Charlestonians were members of St. Philip's and St. Mi-
chael's parishes — a sufficient key to distinction. In addition,
many belonged to the Charles Town Library and the very
fashionable St. Cecilia Society whose brilliant reception to
Lord Greville Montague in 1773 so dazzled the sober
Josiah Quincy of Boston.41 The South Carolinians who
came to Newport brought with them an established social
position, and lent to the island resort a decided English
tone borrowed from their native town.

Of the group from Philadelphia, nearly all enjoyed
membership in the exclusive "Dancing Assembly," in itself
the badge of gentility.4" Seven of the gentlemen mentioned
in Newport's "social register" were vassals of the Governor
of the Colony in Schuylkill, the most select men's club of
colonial days, and one of them, Thomas Mifflin, subscribed
to the purses of the Jockey Club and rode to hounds over
the course of the Gloucester Hunt.1" We have no means of
knowing much about the Jamaicans and Antiguans, but the
fact that they traveled in the favored company of royal
governors and were accustomed to pass much of their time
in London lends strength to their claim for social distinc-
tion. Newport, even in the "gay nineties," would have
found it hard to eclipse the galaxy of social lights it pre-
sented in 1772-1773. With its intellectual attainment,
culture, refinement, and wealth, Newport was becoming the
Bath of America.

We have already noticed that the first attraction of
Newport was its salubrious climate, which was a great in-
ducement to visitors from the South. This never lost its
appeal, but Newport, like Bath, included many other

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT 11

charms in its repertoire. Boston, New York, and Phil-
adelphia were sober and business-like seaports, places in
which the "puritan" way of living was dominant. Not so
with Newport. Because of its heterogeneous religious
makeup, this town was from its beginning free from clerical
control. "No opinion was prohibited consistent with moral-
ity," wrote Arthur Brown, because ". . . the multiplicity of
secretaries [sic] produced more genuine religion, morality
and piety . . . than in any country I have ever seen."44 The
puritan sabbath, as practiced in Boston, calling for half of
Saturday to be used in preparation was ridiculed in the
Newport press:

. . . 'tis plainly seen, how changed indeed,

That sacred law, which God himself decreed!

In this one Act, they think to merit Heav'n,

By taking half a day from six, and adding it to seven.

The people of Newport evidently agreed with Berkeley's
dictum: "Give the devil his due, John Calvin was a great
man," but they wanted none of his religious discipline.45
As compared with Boston, Newport was "wide open" on
Saturday nights. To the gay, pleasure-loving planter it
was indeed an attractive spot, while the Philadelphia Angli-
can felt a sense of relief from Quaker sobriety and moral
compulsion.

Judged by eighteenth century standards the island of
Rhode Island offered something to everyone — culture,
solitude, gaiety, entertainment, and health.

Though the sea air and even climate of Rhode Island
were claimed to be most beneficial, there were some who
failed to find the cure for which they sought. The Newport
Mercury records thus a simple tragedy that must have been
frequently re-enacted:4''' "July 18, . . . died Miss Elizabeth
Hollybrush, of Charlestown, South-Carolina, from whence
she lately arrived here, for the Recovery of her Health,
aged 21 Years. . ." On July 11, 1774 "James Crooke,
Esq; and family" arrived from Jamaica, "to recover his

12 RHODE ISLAM) BISTORICAL SOCIETY

health,1' but on August 10 the Mercury gives notice of his
death and burial in Trinity Church yard.4' More pleasant
is the item that in the summer of 1770, "Hon. James
OttSy on a Tour for his Health, spent one or two Days in
this Town."48 Thus, we see that many invalids sought re-
covery along the shores of the Narragansett, but the im-
pression gained from reading the newspaper is that the
majority of the visitors were more interested in prevention
than in cure.

These "idle rich" formed our first leisure class, and to
the lower classes of Newport and the surrounding country
may well have seemed as heretics rebelling against the
traditional doctrine of "six days shalt thou labor and do all
thy work." Lilies of the field had hardly as yet an accepted
position in the pioneer society. That a class feeling was
developing is mentioned in a condescending manner by
Arthur Brown:4" ". . . the richer merchants . . . together
with the clergy, lawyers, physicians and officers of the
English navy who had occasionally settled there, were
considered as gentry $ even being a member of the Church
of England gave a kind of distinctive fashion. A superior
order thus formed by better and more information existed
even to a degree sufficient to excite jealousy in the agri-
cultural system, and to be a gentleman was sufficient ... to
expose the bearer of that name to mockery and rudeness,
a specie of inconvenience which a liberal mind pardoned as
compensated by the comfort and independence which pro-
duced it." An undercurrent of resentment thus flowed in
the relationship between summer guest and native laborer,
notwithstanding the business advantage the situation
brought to the latter.

During the period under review Newport was a bustling
seaport of seven to nine thousand inhabitants."" For a
community of its size it presented unusual cultural oppor-
tunities both for its own citizens and for visitors. Its chief
pride was the great collection of books housed in the beau-
tiful Redwood Library. Although this was a subscription

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT 13

library, non-members could borrow books by depositing a
sum against the value of the book and paying a small fee
for its hire. Books withdrawn could be kept for a month.51
For those who wished to improve their leisure by reading
this library was unsurpassed in the Colonies. The Diary
and Itineraries of Ezra Stiles, librarian of the Redwood,
give ample evidence of the wide use of the collection by
visitors as well as by townsfolk/'2 Solomon Southwick,
printer of the Mercury, conducted a book store in connec-
tion with his business. The striking feature of the book
advertisements in his paper is the amount of secular litera-
ture, especially novels, announced for sale, as compared
with what was demanded by the more austere tastes of Bos-
ton, New York and Philadelphia."'" Probably one of his best
customers was the Vice-Admiralty Judge of Charles Town,
who advertised on September 18, 1769: "Those Persons
who may be possessed of any Books belonging to Augustus
Johnston, are earnestly requested to return them as soon as
may be." Use of the Redwood Library was evidently sup-
plemented by private circulation.

Life on isolated plantations made it difficult for southern
and insular planters to further their own and their chil-
dren's educations, but a summer in Newport offered advan-
tages in this line. Many gentlemen, no doubt, profited by
the opportunity to improve their fencing under Monsieur
Bontamps, Mr. William Pope, or Monsieur Delile of the
University of Bordeaux.54 Others could join with their
ladies in the study of French under one of the many teach-
ers who advertised. Lewis Delile, recommended by Rev.
Mr. Stiles, who was also his pupil, announced that by his
method "a Scholar can learn to speak very good French
... in two Months."50 Numerous private schools for boys
and girls are noticed in the Mercury and possibly owed
their existence to the presence of the summer colony.50 For
those of a more gregarious turn excellent conversation was
to be had; few cultured people visited Newport without
discussing the problems of the universe with the learned

14 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Ezra Stiles. Trade and politics were the principal topics of
debate at the Royal Exchange Coffee House, where among
convivial surroundings could be had "the best of London
Porter, Madeira, Teneriffe, White Li[s|bon, and Claret
Wines, and every other liquor and Convenience suitable to
accomodate Gentlemen with." All strangers and travelers
could "depend upon the best Entertainment and Attend-
ance."" Or, if you had a friend who belonged to the
"Fryday Night Club" you might be introduced as a guest
to one of Col. Godfrey Malbone's famous dinners.58 The
freemason from Charles Town, the West Indies or Phil-
adelphia was sure to be welcome at the meetings of the
Newport lodge."'1.

As if to usher in the season of 1772 came the announce-
ment that on May 5, "A Grand Concert of Vocal and In-
strumental Mustek, By a Number of the First Per-
formers from Boston, &c,"''" would be given at the Court
House, commencing at 7 P. M. sharp. The number and
frequency of the advertisements for these concerts appear-
ing in the Mercury suggests that they were well patronized.
In 1767, Henry Hymes announced an "Entertainment of
Mustek, every Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thurs-
day, and the Performances will be given gratis. . . . Any
Gentlemen or Ladies wishing private Concerts may have it
upon 4 hours notice," for which a charge will be made.61
Music had been popular in Newport ever since 1 733, when
Bishop Berkeley presented an organ to Trinity Church.""
The vestry was always careful to secure a competent organ-
ist, and in 1773, "William Selby, Organist of Trinity
Church, Newport, Just arrived from London," informed
the public that he would "instruct young Gentlemen and
Ladies to play upon the violin, flute, harpsichord, guitar
and other instruments, now in use. . . ."'"' That the visitors
from Charles Town appreciated the Newport talent is seen
from an advertisement in the Newport Mercury, April,
1771, for musicians to play at a concert with the St. Cecilia
Society. A first and second fiddle, two hautboys, and a

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT 15

bassoon were wanted, and it was hinted that there was a
possibility of a two to three years' engagement."4. If the
numerous announcements of Elias Gilbert's singing class
at Bradford's School House and the many singing books
and "English Songs in score" advertised in Southwick's
paper are any index, voice culture was very popular.05
Mayhap they still sang the song that some years earlier was
on everyone's lips: "The Glorious Success of His Majesty's
Arms in the Reduction of Havannah."h(>

Although the Hallam-Douglass Company of actors had
played for two seasons in Newport, in 1761-1762, no reg-
ular plays were performed as in New York, Philadelphia
and Charles Town.0' But the visitors, especially from
Charles Town, furnished both the demand and the neces-
sary patronage, and from time to time occasional perform-
ances were given. In 1771 the town granted a license to a
group "to act plays," but we do not know that this privilege
was ever utilized.1'8 In the absence of real productions the
people accepted the best substitute, and we learn from the
Mercury that in 1 769,°°

On Tuesday Evening,

The Fifth of September Instant,

At Mrs, Cowley's Assembly-Room

In Church-Lane,

Will be read

An Opera,

Call'd Love in a Village:

By a Person who has Read and Sung in
Most of the Great Towns in America.

In all ways a developed seaside resort, colonial Newport,
like its later rivals and imitators, furnished its crop of sum-
mer romances, and then as now a wedding thrilled the
visitors and townspeople. In 1773 "William Gibbins, of
Savannah, Esq;" married Miss Vally Richardson of New-

16 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

port. The wedding was celebrated in November, too late
for most of the summer colony, but they at least had the
pleasure of seeing the romance develop.'" But the next
year those who returned to Newport were rewarded with
the privilege of witnessing the brilliant marriage of a
daughter of the town to a distinguished visitor. On August
22, the Mercury reported that "Last Thursday was mar-
ried, at Bedford, in Dartmouth, Mr. Clemment B'uldle, of
Philadelphia, merchant, to the aimiable Miss Becca Cor-
nell, daughter of Gideon Cornell, Esq; late of this town,
deceased.'"1

The lighter forms of amusement were many and varied.
Among the gentry the giving of large, formal dinners was,
perhaps, the most widespread of all social activities. The
favorite dishes on these occasions were Dun-fish,'1"' and
West India turtles. After dinner the ladies retired and the
gentlemen remained at the table for pipes, punch and
Madeira. Before the men rejoined the ladies in the draw-
ing-room for cards and dancing,"5 the latter regaled them-
selves with the latest gossip. In September of 1774 society
was pleasantly horrified by the notorious Wanton scandal.
Such affairs were not at all unusual in the families of arti-
sans and mechanics — but the Wantons of Newport! The
distraught husband, soon angered by prevailing rumors,
vented his spleen in the press:'4 "Whereas Content Wan-
ton, the wife of John Wanton (son of James) hath absented
herself from my bed and board, without any cause or of-
fence given by me, but, as I suppose, by the advice of some
persons who are enemies to my peace and happiness, and as
their wicked counsel may extend farther, in persuading her
to run me into debt, to accomplish their wicked intent of
completing my ruin;" this is to give notice that he will
assume no responsibility for debts incurred by his appar-
ently well-named wife.

Dancing was a favorite form of amusement in Newport
for many years prior to the Revolution. An Assembly had
been formed in 1745 by thirteen bachelors, the majority

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT 17

members of Trinity Church, who issued invitations to
thirty-two qualified young ladies.'5 We can find no records
of the Assembly after 1751, but there exists abundant evi-
dence that the habit of dancing grew with time. Dancing
schools increased in number, and French dancing masters
began to advertise frequently in the newspaper."' When-
ever dinners were given they were usually followed by
dancing, as well as by cards, backgammon and billiards —
always accompanied by Madeira for the ladies and rum
punch for the men." Mary Cowley frequently advertised
her Assembly-Rooms which opened in September, one to
be used for dancing, "the other ... a separate genteel
Apartment with Card-Tables, and a good Fire. Hours
6-10 o'clock.'"8 Dancing, for the most part, was a winter
diversion in colonial days, although Arthur Brown remem-
bered that "ki warm weather parties in the woods and din-
ners, . . . with dances afterwards in the open air were favor-
ite amusements." We infer that most people liked better
the customary summer "evening promenades . . . when
from about an hour after sunset, . . . the country resounded
with songs and serenades."79 This is truly a delightful pic-
ture of an idyllic existence.

It must never be forgotten that in colonial days the
church was the central social agency. In the two decades
preceding the American Revolution the increasing secular-
ization of life in the towns was causing the church to lose
much of its influence, but, nevertheless, it still played the
leading role on the provincial stage. The social events of
Newport revolved about Trinity Church. To be an Angli-
can was to be assured of a superior place in the ranks of
society.so Stiles complained bitterly of the domination of
the Redwood Library by the Church of England ; "this set
out as a Quaker affair, . . . [but] the Episcopalians slyly got
into & obtained a Majority wch they are careful to keep."81
Of course the Congregational parson was prejudiced, but
there is no question of the social value of membership in the
Anglican Church. The royal governors and lesser officials

18 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

who set the tempo of provincial life were generally of that
communion, and, furthermore, the Church was far more
tolerant and lenient in its attitude toward the "frivolous"
side of life than the non-conforming sects. It is thus no
source of wonder that the parish register of Trinity Church,
Newport, reads like the bead roll of early Rhode Island,
and on a pleasant sabbath in the summer the passerby would
see large numbers of the visiting gentry escorting their
"consorts" there to divine service.

Turtle parties enjoyed a great popularity as a summer
entertainment. Jahleel Brenton's negro slave, Cuffee
Cockroach, was always in great demand as a turtle cook.
These affairs were generally held on Goat Island near Ft.
George. Dinner was served at two in the afternoon, and
was followed by tea at five, after which there would be
dancing while the musicians played "Pea Straw," "Faithful
Shepherd," and "Arcadian Nuptials." The parties broke
up about eleven o'clock with a final hot toddy, and the gay
revelers were ferried back to town.82

There were sporting possibilities in the neighborhood.
The summer visitor was frequently amused by horse races
on the beach between the famous Narragansett pacers, or
by exhibitions of horsemanship by "Mr. Bates, the famous
horseman," and Christopher Gardner, the local boy, whom
the townspeople and press hailed as "the original American
rider."*'' It was fashionable to take an afternoon's drive in
a chaise about the Island, and stop for a bite to eat at Abigail
Stoneman's tea house in Middletown, where "large enter-
tainments . . . will be prepared on the shortest notice."*4
On sunny days parties were made up to hire Samuel Hay-
wood's "new pleasure-boat, Liberty," and explore the
coves and inlets of Narragansett Bay, or to make a run to
Providence or Bedford on the packet boats. s" On returning
great strength of mind was required to pass the Oyster
House on Long Wharf without sampling a dozen salts
or so.

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT 19

This, then, was the attractive prospect which the summer
visitor faced. There was nothing like it in America, a sea-
side town, busily attending its own profitable pursuits, yet
extending its hospitality to a society who came there because
of its charm, and who generously added their own graces
and accomplishments. The life was simpler than today, the
display of wealth less great perhaps, the social stratification
less intense. Newport" was more of a flourishing seaport
then than now, and its life revolved less exclusively around
the arrival and departure of its summer guests. Yet poten-
tially Newport was in the eighteenth century as in the
nineteenth, the health-restoring, pleasure-giving resort of
those whose loftier birth, accumulated wealth and social
accomplishments afforded them opportunity to enjoy in
leisure a few months each year of the best the New World
could offer. This happy, gentle society, almost unique in
the pioneer sternness of life on a new continent, was
abruptly, though not permanently, brought to a close by
the Outbreak of hostilities in 1 775. It is with a pang of re-
gret that we read the last "society notice" in the Mercury :86
"June 12, arrived here the Sloop Friendship, Capt. Munro,
in 14 days from Charles-Town, with whom came Passen-
gers, Mr. Isaac McPherson, Mr. Jonathan Clarke y Mrs.
Clarke^ and Mr. Nathan Child} all of South-Carolina. This
vessel was taken under the protection of the men of war."

Massachusetts Institute of Technology
October 14, 1932

Notes

1Rhode Island Historical Magazine, (July, 1885), VI, 45-46.

2George Berkeley, Works, (A. Campbell, ed., 4 vol., Oxford, 1871),
IV, 160. Letter of April 24, 1729.

HVilliam B. Weeden, Early Rhode Island, (New York, 1910), 266.

4Weeden, Rhode Island, 265.

r'R. I. Hist. Mag., (January, 1886), VI, 165//.

eMrs. John King Van Rensselaer, Newport: Our Social Capital, (Phila-
delphia, 1905), 19-20.

20 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

"G. C. Mason, Reminiscences of Newport, (Newport, 1884), 9.

sFor some account of the fevers, see Edward McCrady, The History of
South Carolina under the Royal Government, (New York, 1901),
passim .

''Mason, Reminiscences, 160-165. Col. Pollock was sued by John
Scollav in the Rhode Island courts and ordered to pay a judgment ol
over £500. Walter Chaloner, sheriff of Newport, went bond for Pollock.
The latter disappeared and never returned, and Chaloner was thrown into
prison to satisfy the bond. Thomas Pollock, Jr. was thus left to bear
the shame of his father's crime. The Ferguson family would not permit
the lad to court their daughter Ethel, and in despair he signed for a
merchantman in 1799. Returning in 1813 with a privateersman, Pol-
lock learned to his sorrow that the Fergusons had moved to New York.
He sought out Ethel on Long Island and married her. They removed to
Carolina where a remnant of the paternal estate afforded them a refuge.

'"Any social item of local importance was reported in the provincial
press, but notices of this special type are not to be found in the other
colonial newspapers.

''See chart accompanying this paper.

l2Newport Mercury, August 10, 1761. Benjamin Blagg of New York
and William Richards of Newport advertised two sloops to make regular
trips between the towns.

1:1 Bruce M. Bigelow, The Commerce between Rhode Island and the
West Indies in the Eighteenth Century, (Ms., John Hay Library), is the
authority on this important subject. Quoted by permission.

^Newport Mercury, June 18, 1770. A page of this issue is missing,
consequently we do not know the name of the vessel or exactly where it
was wrecked.

^Newport Mercury, August 19, 1771 ; June 24, 1771.

^Newport Mercury, June 26, 1769; June 18/25, 1768; May 28,
1770. All trips were made by the sloop Charlestown, Capt. Durfee.

^Newport Mercury, July 5, 1773; August 31, 1772. The trip from
Georgia averaged about thirteen days. See Newport Mercury, Julv 12,
1773.

18 Newport Mercury, August 1/8, 1768.

'"A\ /. Hist. Mag., (July, 1885), VI, 45-46.

-"Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, (F. B. Dexter, ed., 2 vols., New
York, 1901), I, 281.

21Newport Mercury, June 1 5, 1772.

22Nezoport Mercury, June 26, 1769; May 28, 1770.

23Newport Mercury, August 7, 1769, et passim.

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT 21

2i Newport Mercury, July 13, 1772.

^Newport Mercury, June 6, 1774.

26Newport Mercury, July 4/1 1, 1768; September 2, 1771 ; and June
28, 1773.

2~Newport Mercury, September 6, 1773. The issue of October 9,
1 769 notes the arrival of a party at Charles Town, which was probably
clipped from the South-Carolina Gazette. This may indicate that social
news was printed in that paper.

2&Newport Mercury, August 20, 1770; March 5, 1770.

2!)McCrady, South Carolina, 402.

'M Newport Mercury, May 1 1, 1772. Col. Pollock had a place in New-
port.

31 Newport Mercury, August 1/8, 1768.

32 Newport Mercury, August 5, 1765; September 18, 1769.

33Newport Mercury, July 2 5, 1774.

34Mason, Reminiscences, 9Sn; Newport Mercury, June 6, 1774.

35 Newport -Mercury, July 26, 1773.

3C'Newport Mercury, October 2, 1775.

37Mason, Re??iiniscences, 49-50.

^Newport Mercury, May 16, 1774.

39See Richard Cumberland's sentimental comedy, The West Indian,
(London, 1771), for the conception of the free and easy planter that
prevailed at the time.

40G. C. Mason, Annals of Trinity Church, (Newport, 1890).

41See McCrady, South Carolina, passim., and index; also the South
Carolina Historical Society's Collections, (1857 — ).

42Thomas Willing Balch, The Philadelphia Assemblies, (Philadelphia,
1916), has lists of members, many of whom appear in the Mercury's lists.

43Register of the Jockey Club, (Ms. in Hist. Soc. of Pa.); also the
History of the Schuylkill Fishing Company, 33; and History of the
Gloucester Hunting Club, 67, in the same library.

44^. /. Hist. Mag., (January, 1886), VI, 169.

^Newport Mercury, May 19, 1761; Berkeley, Works, IV, 160.

^Newport Mercury, June 13/20, 1768.

47 Newport Mercury, June 1 1, July 18, 1774.

48 Newport Mercury, August 13, 1770.

4»R. /. Hist. Mag., (January, 1886), VI, 167-168.

50In 1 774 the population was 9,209. A Century of Population Growth,
(Washington, 1909), 11.

22 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

r,,G. C. Mason, Annals of the Redwood Library, (Newport, 1881),

40.

"Ezra Stiles, Itineraries and other Miscellanies, . . . with a Selection
from his Correspondence, (F. B. Dexter, ed., New Haven, 1916), and
Diary, op. cit.

5ySee, for example, the list in the Mercury, June 6, 1774.
^Newport Mercury, June 30, 1768; June 12, 1769; Stiles, Diary, I,
184 (November 13, 1771).

^Newport Mercury, November 2 5, 1771.

^Newport Mercury, July 10, 1769; July 4, 1768.

"Newport Mercury, October 14, 1765.

nsStiles, Diary, I, 31.

^Newport Mercury, January 2, 1759.

^Newport Mercury, May 4, 1772.

tnNezi-port Mercury, August 17/24, 1767.

i;-'Mason, Trinity Church, 5 8.

^Newport Mercury, December 27, 1773.

6 'Mason, Reminiscences, 9-10.

66 'New-port Mercury, June 4, 1770; October 31, 1763.

^Newport Mercury, September 14, 1762.

"Newport Mercury, November 3, 1761.

r"sMason, Reininiscences, 123.

^Newport Mercury, September 4, 1769; September 1 1, 1769.

""Nezcport Mercury, November 15, 1773.

nNewport Mercury, August 22, 1774.

7-Mason, Reminiscences, 101-102. Dun-fish were a species of cod.

~'R. /. Hist. Mag., (January, 1886), 172.

^Newport Mercury, September 19, 1774.

Tr'Howard M. Chapin in Providence Sunday Journal, October 22,
1929.

7aNewport Mercury, April 1 1, 1774.

"R. I. Hist. Mag., (January, 1886), VI, 172-173.

™NewpOfit Mercury, September 26, 1768; November 2, 1772.

79R. /. Hist. Mag., (January, 1886), VI, 172-173.

B0Mason, Trinity Church, passim.

81Stiles, Diary, I, 166 (1771).

s-Mason describes a typical party in Reminiscences, 10 1-102.

s3Newport Mercury, May 6, 1 765 ; October 25,1773; May 23, 1 774.

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT 23

** New fort Mercury, June 29, 1772.

85Newfort Mercury, August 14, 1769; February 22, 1773; March 1,
1773.

iG Newport Mercury, June 12, 1775.

SUMMER VISITORS AT NEWPORT, 1 767-1 7751

Town or Place

1767

17,68

1769

1770

1771

1772

1773

1774

1775

Total

Charles Town

12-

292

43-

266

Philadelphia

142

202

292

Maryland

North Carolina

Georgia

Boston

West Indies

Jamaica

Total

553

452

1Compiled from files of the Newport Mercury, 1767-1775. Where a
family was mentioned its size was assumed to be six in number.
-Others came but names not known by printer.
3Several files of the Mercury are missing for May and June, 1771.

24 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest

Original Land Grants of Portsmouth, R. I., compiled
by Edward H. West, is a manuscript atlas of ten sheets
showing the earliest recorded land holdings in Portsmouth.

1 1 ashingtonys Headquarters , by Mabel Lorenz Ives,

contains an eleven-page account of the Stephen Hopkins
House in Providence.

The New England Historical and Genealogical Register
for October, 1932, contains an article on the English ances-
try of the Fiske family by G. Andrews Moriarty, F.S.A.

Frances, the Falconers Daughter, the Mother of Gov-
ernors, 1607-1 677 , by Elizabeth Nicholson White, is an
illustrated volume of 176 pages dealing with Frances
(Latham) Dungan.

Gilbert Stuart, by William T. Whitley, is a volume of
240 pages.

Berkeley's A m eric an Sojourn, by Benjamin Rand, a book
of 79 pages, was published by the Harvard University
Press.

A History of the Young Ladies' School, 1860-1898,
and Miss Abbott's School Alumnae Association, 1912-1930,
written and compiled by Mary B. Anthony and Grace P.
Chapin, Providence, 1932, is an illustrated book of 57
pages.

Notes

Mr. Frederick W. York has been elected to membership
in the Society.

Peace Dale Seals

Communicated by Miss Caroline Hazard

The seal bearing the picture of a dove with wings ex-
panded and with an olive branch in its mouth, surrounded
by the words PEACE DALE, R. I., belonged to Rowland
G. Hazard,7 (1801-1888) and possibly to his father,
Rowland Hazard,0 who bought a house on the Sauga-
tucket in July 1805, and lived there with his family for
some years. Mary Peace, daughter of Isaac Peace of Bris-
tol, Pa., was his wife. Hence the name Peace Dale and
the dove.

KHODF. ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The Minutes of the Westconnaug Purchase

Transcribed by Theodore G. Foster

(Continued from Vol. XXV, page 128.)

A List of the Persons' Sl who have whole Rights in West-
quanaug as was computed, ordered, and allowed at a Meet-
ing of the Proprietors of Westquanauge convened at the
House of Joseph Smith in Kingston the 20th of February
1706/7 /viz/

Col. Samuel Cranston
Major John Greene

20
18

Zachariah Rhodes

Jeremiah Clarke . .

Jeremiah

Clark

Clement Weaver, Senior

Clement Weaver Jun1"-

Mr-

Field

s Half Share on

the

South Side

of Fourth

Lot

Latham Clarke

Nicholas Carr

Weston Clarke

Robert Gardner

John Fones

William Vaughn

Robert Westcot

William Fobes ]

William Pebody \

John Rogers

sWest-Quanaug or The West-Quanaug Purchase.

A number of individuals of Newport were afterwards associated with
the first purchasers, among whom were Gov. John Cranston, Caleb Carr,
Thomas Clark, William Foster, Clement Weaver, Aaron Davis, John
Jones and Latham Clark, most or all of whom have now descendants in
the town. In 1707, this purchase was divided by lot among 29 proprie-
tors, but the first settlement was not commenced until 1717. The first
settler was Fzckiel Hopkins, whose descendants are now very numerous in
the town; there are also here a number of the descendants of the two
Governors, John Cranston and Samuel Cranston. (A Gazetteer of the
States of Connecticut and Rhode Island by John C. Pease and John M.
Niles, 1819, p. 342.)

The spelling Westenadgue appears in Prov. Town Papers (0623),
printed in Prov. Rec. XVII, 199.

WESTCONNAUG PURCHASE 27

John Rhodes 23

Malichy Rhodes . 6

Simon Smith 8

Andrew Harris 1 9

Stephen Arnold 21

Peleg Rhodes 1 1

Benjamin Carpenter 9

Nathaniel Waterman * 25

Hugh Mosher 16

Joseph Case ]2

Aaron Davis 3
Lawrence Springer Half Share 1 0

Major William Wanton 1 5

3 5 Drawn by Ellery & Davis

1 0 Half of a whole Share - -

To the Gentlemen the Proprietors of Providence con-
vened at the House of Mn William Turpin"" in Providence
in the Colony of Rhode Island & Providence Plantation the
22d of February 1 706/7

Gentlemen WE whose Names are hereunto subscribed
being a Committee of the Proprietors of Westquanaug
being informed that Some of you have begun to lay out
Land in the Southern Side of the Northern Branch of Paw-
tuxet River that cometh out of Ponhanganset Pond and
lying on the Northern Side of Warwick Northern Bounds
which Land is the Propriety of us the Subscribers and the
Rest of our Partners.

WE do therefore in our own Behalf and also on Behalf of
the Rest of our Partners forewarn and forbid you or any of
you to make any Improvement of said Land as having no
Right thereunto . . As Witness our Hands this 21st of
February 1706/7

Samuel Cranston
Weston Clark
Robert Gardner
John Rhodes
Simon Smith

'A copy of this letter appears among the Providence Town Papers
(0644) and is printed in Prov. Rec. XVII, 223.

28 RHODE ISLAM) EISTORICAL SOCIETY

March 31st 1 707. The Trustees met and adjourned to the
2(1 of April 1707

April 2'1 1702. The Proprietors met at the House of
Mr William Bright in Newport and according to the Fore-
going Agreement These underwritten paid in their Money
to John Rhodes the Treasurer chosen /viz/ Major Samuel
Cranston 20 Major John Green 20/ Jeremiah Clark 20/
Aron Davis 20/ Robert Gardner 20/ Nicholas Carr 20/
Clement Weaver Sen' 20 Latham Clark 20/ Joseph Wil-
bur paid for one Half Share for Lawrence Springer 10/
Clement Weaver Jun 20/ Weston Clark 20/ Simon Smith
20/ William Lobes 20/ William Pebody 20/ John Rogers
20 John Rhodes 20/ Malichy Rhodes 20/ Joseph Case
20. Major William Wanton 20/

Ordered That Mr John Rhodes Treasurer of the Pro-
prietors shall forthwith agree with Mr John Mumford
Surveyor to go forthwith and make a Map and Piatt' ll" of
said Land of Westquanaug — and said Rhodes Treasurer
shall appoint such and so many to assest said Surveyor and
shall pay both Surveyor and his Assestants out of the
Money he hath in his Hands paid by the Company
And if said Treasurer cannot get Mr. Mumford the week
the other Trustees on this Main may appoint as they shall
think fit for the forwarding the said Concern and We do
appoint that the Trustees as this Main shall upon emmer-
gent occasion act and do all things needful relating or con-
cerning the Premises

Ordered That Zachariah Rhodes shall have a Share and
a Half carried on at free Cost . . . This was ordered

by the Trustees on the Main of the 14th of of April 1 707.

10That difficulties were encountered in the attempt to make this survey
is shown by Providence Town Paper 0647 (printed in Prov. Rec. XVII,
227); a warrant dated May 1, 1707 and issued by Governor Cranston,
wherein it is related that officials of the Town of Providence arrested and
imprisoned the Westconnaug surveyors. P. T. P. (0651), printed XVII,
233, is a summons in this case dated June 10, 1707 and referring the
case to the September 1 707 court.

WESTCONNAUG PURCHASE 29

Memorandum That I Zachariah Rhodes for Consid-
eration of a Right and Half of the Lands of Westquanaug
to be carried on without any charge to me DO Declare that
I shall in no way impede or hinder the Proprietors of West-
quanaug but will forward and help them as much as I may
by any Deeds or Writings that are in my Custody Neither
shall I help any that shall oppose them either directly or
indirectly . . Witness my Hand the 14th of April 1707.
Signed in the Presence of Simon Smith Clerk

Zachy Rhodes
At a Meeting of the Proprietors of Westquanauge at the
House of Mn William Bright the 1 0th of June 1 708

It is orderd that the former Committee chosen by the
Proprietors for managing said Purchase is still continued:
three of the major Part of them to meet and treat with the
committee chosen by the Town of Providence111' for the
Settlement between those of Providence and the Proprie-
tors aforesaid and what the Major Part shall act or do or.
the Premises shall be taken and deemd authoritative to all
interests and Purposes — The Names of the Committee are
Col Samuel Cranston Mr Richard Greene Mr Robert
Gardner Mr Simon Smith Mr John Rhodes Weston Clark
and Malichy Rhodes who have hereby full Power to move
from Time to Time and Place to Place while the Mater be
compleatd if possible to satisfaction — and We do appoint
the First Meeting on the 1 8th Day of July next at Warwick
at the Hous of Mr James Carder and that the charge of the
Treaty be borne and paid by the Treasurer of the Proprie-
tors— John Fones is chosen Clerk for this Meeting

A True Copy

John Fones Clerk
This is treaty entered per Mr Simon Smith Clerk of the
Proprietors

"The record of the appointment of the committee of the Proprietors
of Providence on May 18, 1708 is Prov. Town Paper 0664, printed in
Prov. Rec. XVII, 239-240.

30 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

At a Meeting of the Committee of the Proprietors of
Westquanauge this Fifth Day of September 1711 at
Newport

Present
The Honourable Gov Samuel Cranston
Mr Weston Clarke
Mr Robert Gardner
Mr John Rhodes
Mr Malichy Rhodes &
Simon Smith
Ordered that whereas Mr Richard Greene who was one
of the Committee is Dead Mr Job Green is chosen in
his Room or Stead
And Whereas Mr Robert Gardner one of the Committee
hath sold his Right to Major James Brown It is voted by
the Committee that the said Gardner shall be indemnified
in the said Sale to the said Brown notwithstanding the In-
junction in the Third Article of our Agreement February
20th 1706

This Meeting is adjournd to Tuesday come Sen night
the 1 8th Instant at Warwick and if that be foul weather
then to meet the next convenient Day

At a Meeting of the Proprietors of Providence and the
Committee of the Proprietors of Westquanauge at War-
wick this 1 8th of September 1811""

Agreed That a Petition or Exhitation be drawn to set
forth the Claim of Providence as to the Title within the
Jurisdiction of Connecticut Colony and also the Title of
the Proprietors of Westquanaug which lyeth in said Colony
which Petition is to be presented to the Court of assestants
held at New London the 13th of October next — And the
Men to draw said Petition &c are Cap1 Thomas Fenner and
Simon Smith and Cap' Thomas Fenner and M' Malichy

l2Error for 1711.

WESTCONNAUG PURCHASE 31

Rhodes are to carry said Petition &c and the charge to be

borne equally by both Parties And the Persons who

draw up said Petition shall have full Power to Sign the
same on Behalf of the Proprietors of Providence and the
Proprietors of Westquanaug' 13>

_ And it is farther agreed that if their shall be any Occa-
sion to go to Law for the Lands of Providence or the Lands
of Westquanaug which' lay within the Jurisdiction of Con-
necticut Then the Proprietors of Providence and the Pro-
prietors of Westquanaug shall be at equal Charge for carry-
ing on the same and what Title we pitch upon to sue we
to agree to at next October Court

To the Honourable the Governor Deputy Gover1'
Assistants and Worshipful! Representatives sitting
in Court at New Haven in the County of New
Haven within and for her majestys Colony
of Conicticut the 1 1 th of October' 1711
The Exhibition and humble Petetion of the Comittee of the Proprietors
of Providence and the Comittee of the Proprietors of Westquedniuke
Namely Colw Samuel Cranston Esq1'- Majr: Joseph fenckes Esq1^ Capt:
Thomas Fenner Esqr= Maj r= James Brown Esqr Capt: Samuel Wilkinson
Mr- Weston Clark Esqr: Ltw: Thomas Harris Mr: John Roades Mr:
Resolved Waterman Mr: Job Green Esqr M'= Joseph Brown Mr: Malachi
Roades -1': Joshua Winsor and Capt: Simon Smith Esqr:— All of her
Majestys Colony of Road-Island and Providence Plantations Humbly
Sheweth and Exhibiteth to your Honours

That the Proprietors of the Anciant Town of Providence having
upward of sixty yeares since Purchased of the Indian Natives the Lands
where they now Live Namely all the Lands Betwixt Patucket and
Pautuxit Rivers And so to Extend from a Hill Called Fox-Hill Twenty
Miles Westward &c: The which sd Purchase was made and Granted by
one of the most Greatest sachems of the Narraganset Countrev and
Confirmed by all the Chief Princes of the Natives and hath had a good
Sanchon from England So that it Cannot be thought that So firme a
Title should be Eclipsed or Deminished under any Presents Whatso-
ever &c:

_ Item the Proprietors of Westquodniuk bv anciant Deeds and Con-
firmations Upward of fifty Yeares since Purchased of the Indian sachems
a Certain Tract of Land or Part of the Countrev known and Called bv
the Name of Westquodniuk Bounded Partly on the Eastern and North

32 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Eastern Parts by the aforcsd Lands of Providence South and South
westerly by the Lands of Agans west and north westerly by Quinippoge
Lands and northerly by the Neppeneck Lands which Lands was Con-
firmed bv Mosup alias Quissuckquans the Grand Chief sachem of the
Narraganset Countrev Purchased by the Assent, and so well approved of
by the Colony of Road-Island that they Enacted that it should be a
Township they thinking then that it was all within their Own Jurisdiction

NOW the matter is that since, Commissioners having bin Chosen by
Each Colony to state the Boundarys betwixt them as to Jurisdiction of
Goverment And they having Done the same It now appeares that there
is neare two miles of the Western part of Providence Purchase the whole
Bredth thereof Lying within the Jurisdiction of your Colony of
Connicticut

AND also a Great Part of the Purchase of Westquodniuk Lyeth within
your Jurisdiction Contrary to what we Imagined before the Lines were
Run So that we think it Our Duty now to Lay this Exhibition before
vour Honours to show what Title we have within your Jurisdiction
And the Rather because we are therunto Incitted by a Clause in yor
Printed Statutes Pag the 64:

NOW our Huble Petetion to vor Honours is that you would Give us
your Leave that we may have free Accession to make Improvement and
settle those Lands so Anciantly Purchased by us Now Lying within your
Jurisdiction And we as to that Part shall be Obediant and submissive
subjects under vour Good Goverment

AND this we are the more Encouraged to Request Considering it was
a special Article in the agreement that Propriety should be maintained
and that all Anciant Grants Allowed by Each Colony should stand good
Notwithstanding the agreement Concerning Jurisdiction betwixt sd
Colonys Upon which the Colony of Road Island have bin Very Carfull
to maintain Proprictv and namely upon several in the Western Parts of
Westerly who after the Jurisdiction line was Run betwixt the Colonys
they fell within the Jurisdiction of the Colony of Road Island although
their Title was the same wth: Conicticut yet the Colony of Road Island
Maintained their Title the Jurisdiction notwithstanding

Wherefore we Pray that your Honr: will Do the Like and grant our
Petetion and Give to Our Messengers, viz, Majr: Joseph Jenckes and
Mr: Malacky Roades the Bearers hereof a fovourable admission into vour
Hond: Assembly who will be furnished with such Deeds & manuscripts
as will Evince and make Probation of this which is Laide before you
(if your Honr: Require the same) And we Pray that vour Honours
would give them Some Answer that they may Return the same to LTs
And in the meane time We Remain yor: Humble Servt: to Command

WESTCONNAUG PURCHASE 33

At a Meeting of the committee of the Proprietors of
Westquanaug at Warwick Novemr the 1 7th 1711

Orderd that the Treasurer Mr John Rhodes pay unto
Mr Malichy Rhodes for his Services and Journey to the
Assembly at Connecticut at New Haven the Sum of Five
Pounds Two Shillinds

Orderd that Capt Simon Smith in Behalf of the Com-
mittee write another Letter to the Assembly of Connecti-
cut for the obtaining their possitive Answer stating our
Claim within their Jurisdiction as is agreed upon by this
Committee

Orderd that when the season of the Year will permit
that Malichy Rhodes be appointed Surveyor with the
Assestance of M1' John Rhodes to Survey and lay out the
Lands of Westquanauge within the Colony Line according
to agreement with the Town of Providence and to propor-
tions the same as near as may be to the Right of each Pro-
prietor and that said Rhodes take such Assestance as the
Work will require so far as relates to their Part . . .

Ordered that this Committee be adjourned to New-
port the last Wednesday in February next or any of the
Three Days following'141

At a Meeting of the Committee of the Proprietors of
Westquanaug at Newport June 1 1th 1712.

Providence October the 6th 1711 By Order of Both Comittes Signed
by Us

Thomas Fenner
Simo: Smith
(Connecticut Archives, Colonial Boundaries, I, 200 a & b.) Courtesy
of the Connecticut State Library.

This petition was considered at the meeting of the General Assembly
of Connecticut held in October, 1711, but no action was taken at that
time. (Conn. Col. Rec. V, p. 277.)

"On March 22, 1711-12, Nathaniel Waterman of Providence be-
queathed to "my loveing Grandsons the two Zuriell Watermans all my
lands in the Place called Wesquenoid". His will, was presented for pro-
bate on April 22, 1712. (Prov. Rec. VII, 99.)

34 K1K IDE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Whereas there was a Meeting of the Proprietors of
said Westquanaug appointed at the House of Robert Nich-
ols of Newport the 10th Instant in order to supply the
Treasurer with a further Stock of Money to carry on the
Affairs of said Purchase and to defray the Charge of the
Surveyor &c in the laying out said Purchase into Farms or
Lots and the said Meeting failing for want or through the
Neglect of the Proprietors making their Appearances at
said Meeting: The Committee considering the Premises
and the Trust and Difficulty of getting the Proprietors to
meet together and rinding that they have full Power and
Authority given them for the full and entire Menagement
and finishing all Matters and Things relating said Pur-
chase We have viewed the Treasurers Accounts and

find that the Money already deposited is all paid out
towards the incident charges that have already accrued ....

We do therefore order that for the Defraying and
carrying on the further charge that Each Proprietor having
a Whole Share in said Purchase shall pay or cause to be
paid unto Mr John Rhodes of Pawtuxet Treasurer or to his
order the Sum of one Pound and so each Proprietor having
more or less than a whole share to pay according to that
Proportion: and that the said Sum or Sums shall be paid to
Said Treasurer on or before the First Tuesday of Septem-
ber next

Malachy Rhodes Clerk

At a Meeting of the Major Part of the committee of
Westquanaug at Newport September the 1 3th 1714

Whereas Mr Malachy Rhodes of Pawtuxet Deceased
was appointed and constituted Clerk and Surveyor to the
Proprietors of the said Purchase and having the Register
Book in his custody We have now chosen Job Green of
Warwick clerk and Register to said Proprietors in the
Room and Stead of Malachy Rhodes Deceased and that he
shall go forthwith and demand and receive the Register
Book at the Executrix of said Rhodes and any Writings of

WESTCONNAUG PURCHASE 35

said Proprietors and give a Receipt for the same and to
[ r account] and do all things needful on the Premises

And farther that he the said Job Greene do with the
Advice and concurrence of the committee on the Main Land
constitute and appoint an abel and well qualified Person as
Surveyor or Surveyors in the Stead & Place of said Rhodes
deceased so as the said Purchase may be fully Surveyed and
Plotted and all other Things done and accomplished with
the Town of Providence according to Agreement with them
and to make Return of his or their Proceedings to the Com-
mittee at Providence the 28th Day of October next at which
Time We do appoint a Meeting then to to do all things
needful therein Job Greene Clerk

At a Meeting of part of the Committee with some of the
Proprietors at Providence the 28th of October 1714

Whereas Job Greene presented a Map of his Proced-
ings together with Major William Hopkins with the
assestance of Major Thomas Fenner in that affair in the
North Side at the Dividing Line according to the agree-
ment with the Proprietors of Providence but there appear-
ing but a small part of the Proprietors the Meeting was
adjournd to Warwick on the Sixteenth Day of November
following for a more full Number of the Company But
wind and weather hindering there were but a small Appear-
ance But those that met agreed as followeth That

Job Greene should proced to finish the Laying out the First
Division with the Advice of Major Thomas Fenner and
Mr John Rhodes and to finish the Division by the last of
May next ensuing in order to come to a Lotment of the

same And further the finding that there hath been a

failure on most part of the Proprietors in paying of Twenty
Shillings apiece to John Rhodes Treasurer according to the
order of the Committee at Newport June 1 1 th 1712 for a
further Supply to defray the incident Charges of said Pur-
chase Therefore it is agreed on that each Proprietor that
is behind in paying do forthwith pay said Sum to the Treas-

36 RHODK ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

urer in order to defray the Charge of Surveying and it is
further proposed that Major Penner be added to the Com-
mittee in the Room and Stead of Malichy deceased
Signed per Order Job Greene Clerk"

At a Meeting of the Committee at Newport May the 9th
1715

It is agreed on That Major Thomas Fenner is accepted
to he one of the Committee according to the Proposals at
Warwick and that Capt. Benjamin Ellery is hereby chosen
and added to the Committee in the Room and Stead of
Mr Weston Clark he having sold his part of the Propriety
of Westquanaug to Mr Joseph Whipple of Providence by
consent of the Committee and it is further agreed on that
Job Greene do proced to lay out the Remanding Part of
said First Division as soon as may be and to take what
Assestance he thinks proper in order to come to Alotment
but said Greene's own Business hindering him from pro-
ceeding forthwith it is consented to by the Major Part of
the Committee that M1 John Rhodes shall agree with
Josiah Westcoat Surveyor to lay out the remainding Part
of said First Division with the Expedition in order to Alot-
ment and said Rhodes is to provide Assestants to the Sur-
veyor and the whole Charge of the Surveying to be paid
out of the Proprietors Treasury

Job Greene Clerk

15Georgc Lawton of Portsmouth and wife Rebecca. On January 3,
171S, sold to Job Lawton of Newport one half share of land at Wesh-
quanoak which was formerly bought by his father George Lawton from
John Crandall on December 12, 1<>X2(R. 1. Land Ev. Ill, 224).

( To be continued )

\r i,

Roger Williams I'm sn HJ^*

E. A. Joi i\mi\ Co.

PROA 11)1 \< I

Rhode Island

Historical Society
Collections

Vol. XXVI

APRIL, 1933

No. 2

PACKET SHIP "RISING STATES" ADVERTISES FOR BUSINESS

"JOR CHARLESTON, (S. C.)

*.*_ THE Packet Ship RISING
^ STATES, Elisha Swift,
Master, will sail on toe 14th
instant. For Freight or Pas
*»ge. aPpty lo ^e ^asler 0f« board, at
Graves's Wharf, or to

EVERETT & STILLWELL.
March 10, 1812.

VVhi
H

men
whi(
be p

.im)

of L

alio

putr

ADVERTISEMENT IN RHODE ISLAND AMERICAN OF MARCH 13, 1812

See fage 3 7

Issued Quarterly

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island

CONTENTS

PACK

The Rising States, a Providence Packet Ship
of 1812,

by George L. Miner

Cover
Center Supplement
37

History of Jamestown,
by W. L. Watson

Genealogical Notes,

by Edward H. West

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest

Notes

Survey of Old Rhode Island Houses

Spelling of Glocester, R. I.,
by Howard M. Chapin

Treasurer's Report,

by Gilbert A. Harrington

RHODE
HISTORICAL

ISLAND

SOCIETY

COLLECTIONS

Vol. XXVI

APRIL, 1933

No. 2

William Davis Miller, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.

A Providence Packet Ship of 1812

By George L. Miner

The center illustration in this issue of the Collections
shows a most interesting portrait of the 1 69 ton ship Rising
States of Providence in the year 1812. The drawing, dated
November 9, 1812, was made by Charles Simmons, and is
done on a sheet of linen rag paper with india ink of
brownish-black tint. The sails, flags, water and sky are
washed in with water colors. The sails are a deep tan and
the water and sky a pale blue. Bright colors — red, yellow
and blue — pick out the flags and the eagle on the stern.
Altogether, this old ship portrait, somewhat crude in work-
manship and detail, has a great deal of delicacy and charm.

This picture is owned by Mr. C. Prescott Knight of
Providence, and is one of a number of family heirlooms
that recently came to him from a relative who handed on
the tradition that the ship picture was from a collection
of articles once belonging to Moses Brown, Providence
merchant.

38 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

A few interesting facts have come to light about the ship
Rising States. She was a packet ship voyaging in 1812
between Providence and Charleston, South Carolina; First
notice of her sailing appears in the Providence Gazette of
Saturday, March 14, 1812: "Port of Providence. Entered:
Ship . . . Rising States, Swift, from Charleston."

In the same week, on the front page of the Rhode Island
American, appears an advertisement to the effect that the
Packet Ship Rising States, Elisha Swift, Master, will sail
March 14 for Charleston, S. C. This advertisement is
reproduced on the front cover of Collections. The
Packet's return is reported in the Gazette of April 1 1, and
her clearance for Charleston again is reported April 25,
1812. A little later in the year the Gazette reported the
arrival of Ship Rising States, Swift, from Charleston, May
23. And in its issue of May 30, the Gazette reports Rising
States, Swift, Master, cleared for Charleston.

PACKET SHIPS COMPETE

The Rising States had a competitor whose sailing was
advertised in the Gazette of March 7, 1812:

"For Charleston (S. C.) the regular Packet Ship Morn-
ing Star, Samuel Grafton, Master, will sail on the 8th of
March next, Wind and Weather permitting. For Freight
or Passage, apply to Grafton and Hawkins, or the Master
on board, at Moses Eddy and Brothers' Wharf."

The owners of the Rising States appear in a manuscript
list about 1818 in the Society's archives as Humphrey &
Everett. The March 1812 advertisement of the sailing was
signed by Everett & Stillwell.

Two 1812 Cargoes

Among the old shipping documents in the riles of the
Society, Mr. Chapin found the two manifests of the first
two voyages of the Rising States noted in the port entries
and clearances.

A PROVIDENCE PACKET SHIP OF 1812 39

The first manifest is dated at Charleston, February 26,
1812. It lists 16 entries:

Thirty-five Barrells Rice consigned to Giles Luther, Bristol.

Eighteen do.

Forty-five Hogs heads Molasses

Twelve Tierces Cotton machinery

Fifteen Bbls Rice

One barrell bacon, two "bbls Harness

Fourteen boxes Cotton Machinery

Twenty-six hhds Molasses

Eight barrells Rice, to George Graves, Providence.

Seven Barrells Do. to Seth Thayer

Five hhds & One Tierce Cotton Seeds, to E. Swift, Providence

One bag Coffee-One bale sheepskins, to E. Swift, Providence

Sundry pieces Cotton Machinery, to Giles Luther, Bristol

Seven Bales Cotton, to Giles Luther Bristol

Twenty one Barrells Rice, to Everett & Stillwell, Providence

Ten Bales'Cotton, to Everett & Stillwell, Providence

The manifest of the voyage from Providence to Charles-
ton lists nine items:

1. Two Hundred Bbls Menhaden Fish, shipped from Sam'l P. Allen
to consignee E. Swift.

2. One hundred Bbls Bread, from Wm. Potter to E. Swift.

3. One Hundred Bbls Apples, from George Evans to E. Swift.

4. Forty Bbls Potatoes, from George Graves to E. Swift.

5. Four Boxes Cards, from Alex Jones to A. D. Meurry.

6. Seven Bbls Pork, from Everett & Stillwell, Providence, to Stillwell
& Everett, Charleston.

7. Six Box's Cotton goods, ditto.

8. Four Box's Bonnets, ditto.

9. One Hundred Reams Wrapping paper, ditto.

(Cards and Bonnets are names of cotton machinery.)

What happened to Packet Ship Rising States has not
been discovered. Indication of change of owners or master
appear on the back of the portrait of the ship. There in the
same handwriting that is seen on the face and which states
that it was Drawed by Charles Simmons, the following
inscription is written: "A Present for Thomas Jackson,
Providence."

40 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The foregoing fragmentary facts regarding a Providence
ship of 1812 open up a glimpse of an interesting period in
the maritime history of Narragansett Bay. What effect had
the War of 1812 on the Rising States; what became of her
and her rival, the Morning Star? We do know that Provi-
dence commerce went flat at the time of the war, and that it
revived and flourished again in 181 5, and reached its high
mark in 1819.

A note on the tonnage of Rhode Island ports in 1810 is
given in Staples' Annals: Providence, 15,864 tons; New-
port, 12,517; Bristol, 777.

A Short History of Jamestown, on the Island
of Conanicut, Rhode Island

By W. L. Watson

In writing an historical sketch of Jamestown or, in fact,
any of the older New England towns, it has always seemed
to me that the actual history really began in the 14th and
1 5th centuries, in those widely separated movements which,
with the great aid of the invention of printing, led up to
the Reformation of the 1 6th century. While the Reforma-
tion was essentially a religious and moral movement, of
necessity it developed in the individual the feeling of
responsibility and independence of thought. The courage
and determination of the Pilgrims to leave home and
friends and seek a new life in an unknown country was not
born over night. It was, instead, the culmination of many
years of struggle, privation and persecution, but always
with an ever increasing elevation of the soul, clarification
of the mind and the development of conscience.

From the beginning of the Reformation, about 1515,
down to 1607, when that little band at Scroby, exiled by
the English government, crossed to Holland and settled

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 41

in Leyden, this idea of freedom in religious thought had
spread in all the governments of the old world. But the
little colony in Leyden became convinced that they could
never attain their ideals amid the surroundings of Europe,
and we have that epoch-making voyage of the Mayflower
in 1 620. The reasons for this voyage, and the strength of
character it took to make it, should be the first considera-
tion in any history of early New England.

The first voyage having been successfully made, others
soon followed and by 1644, thirty-four thousand people
had settled in New England. The Bay Colony, developed
more along commercial lines, soon attained the greater
prominence. The government was started as a democracy,
the governor and his assistants being chosen by the free-
men. But in 1631, it was decreed that none but members of
the church could be freemen. The government thus became
a pure theocracy, controlled, unfortunately, by a few nar-
row minded, superstitious religious bigots.' Into these
surroundings came Roger Williams in 1631. He was soon
(1635) banished from the colony because of his religious
views. Mrs. Ann Hutchinson also preached a gospel that
offended the church government. She, too, was banished
"out of our jurisdiction as a woman not fit for our society."
Before and during the trial many of her followers and
others in sympathy with her, had been warned to leave the
colony or they would be summoned before the court "to
answer such things as shall be objected." Realizing what
the outcome would be, this band, under the leadership of
Dr. John Clarke and William Coddington, chartered a
sailing vessel with the intention of founding their own
colony somewhere on Long Island or the shores of Dela-
ware Bay.

While the vessel was rounding Cape Cod a few of
them went overland to Providence to confer with Roger
Williams. Being in full sympathy with them and desiring
such people as neighbors, he suggested that they purchase
the Island of Acquidneck from the Indians. ( It will be

42 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

recalled that one of the many points of disagreement
between Williams and the Boston authorities was his con-
tention that the king had no right to the land in America,
as it belonged to the Indians.) His suggestion met with
the approval of the company and after several meetings
with the Indian Chiefs Connonicus and Miantanomu, who
were very friendly with Roger Williams, a compact of
government was drawn up on the 7th day of the first month
( March ) and on the 24th day of the same month title to
"the great island of Acquidneck lyinge from hence East-
ward in this Bay, as also the marsh or grasse upon Quinuni-
cutt and the rest of the islands in the Bay (excepting
Prudence )", passed from the Narragansett Indians to "Mr.
Coddington and his friends under him." Here, I believe,
we have the first mention of Conanicut in any official
record.

The settlement was established at Pocasset (now Ports-
mouth ), and in the first year it has been estimated that over
one hundred families joined the new colony. Then came
the division of the colony and the more substantial mem-
bers, under the leadership of Dr. John Clarke and William
Coddington, moved to the southern part of the island and
established themselves at what is now Newport.

In the records of the first town meeting at Newport we
find the following entry:

"It is agreed and ordered, that the Plantation now begun at this
Southwest end of the island, shall be called Newport: and that all the
landes lying Northward and Eastward from the said Towne towards
Pocasset, for the space of live miles, so across from sea to sea with all ye
landes Southward and Westward, bounded with the main sea, together
with the small Islands and the grass of Cunnunnegott, is appointed for
the accommodation of ye said Towne."

Here we have the second mention of Conanicut, but this
time with a special reference which has a major bearing on
the history of the island.

In picturing conditions with which the settlers of prac-
tically every town in New England had to contend, it must

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 43

be remembered that all the country was a virgin forest. It
was even so at Newport. But for many years the Narra-
gansett Indians had used Conanicut for a summer camping
ground and here, after first having cleared the ground, they
raised their crops of corn and beans. Their method of
clearing was to set fire to the forest when conditions were
favorable and let it burn. As a result large areas were
cleared and had grown* up to "grasse." This was a most
valuable crop for the settlers at Newport who, as yet had
very limited pasture for their cattle. Hence the "grasse
of Cunnunnegott" was especially set apart "for the acom-
modation of ye said Towne."

But trouble arose over this same "grasse" and in the
Land Evidence Book we find the following entry dated
March 10, 1656.

"For as much as it is frequently declared that of late there have been
endeavors used by some who are neither inhabitants of this Island or mem-
bers of this Colony, to get into their possession and power of disposal the
above Island Quononaqutt. And considering how commodiously ye said
Island lieth for the enlarging the acomodations of some of us, in regard to
ye nearness of it to our dwellings as also considering the great straight that
many of us are in, for want of commonage for cattle, Therefore and for
the preventing any forreigners getting into their possession whereby
inconvenience and disturbance might possibly, yea and probably arise to
ye government of this Colony.

"We whose names are hereto subscribed do as above said for ourselves
or heirs etc. agree as followeth: Viz.

"First, That for the procuring the aforesaid Island Quononaqutt for ye
occasions aforesaid we do hereby authorize and appoint seven of our num-
ber (namely) William Coddington Esq. Benedict Arnold, Sen. William
Brenton or in his absence William Baulston in his stead, also Richard
Smith of Narragansett, also Capt. John Cranston, Caleb Carr and John
Sanford to use the best of their endeavors to make a full and firm purchase
of the aforsaid Island Quononaqutt for and to themselves &for the rest of
us who are in this present writing hereafter in order mentioned and also
here unto to subscribe, and to the end premised the persons aforenamed

are hereby fully and absolutelv impowered and authorized, to meet

.... and agree upon any direction .... about getting the assurance from
any Sachem and of the Indians . . . concerning said Island Quononaqutt, as
also for the Island called Dutch Island to the intent Above said."

To this agreement there are 98 signatures.

44 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Richard Smith Junr. negotiated with the Indian sachems
and a price of £100, to be paid in wampum and peage, was
agreed upon. The sachems, with their braves, and the pur-
chasers assembled at the house of William Coddington in
Newport where the deed was signed and witnessed, after
which it was ratified by the passing of turf and twig from
other sachems to Caleb Carr and Francis Brinley. Joshua
Fisher made a survey and computed the area of the island,
which was found to contain about 6,000 acres. It was agreed
to allot 4,800 acres for division among the proprietors, 260
for a township, 20 acres of which were to be used for an
Artillery Garden, a "place for buriel of ye dead," a prison
house, and for a road four rods wide to run across the
island, and 240 acres were reserved for a townplot to be
divided in the proportion of one acre of townplot to 20 acres
of farm land. The remaining land was reserved for high-
ways and for reallotment to those whose lands proved to
be undesirable.

It will thus be seen that the originators of the purchase
had quite an elaborate scheme. The farm lands were to be
at the north and south ends of the island, and the four rod
road, which is now Narragansett Avenue, formerly Ferry
Road, was to be the main road for the townplot.

It was further agreed that the land was to be divided in
the same proportion as the amount subscribed, thus we
read:

"William Coddington of Newport Esq., & Benedict Arnold, Senr.
shall each of them pay one twentieth part of the whole charge and shall
each of them receive one twentieth part of the premised purchase, and
William Brenton, Merchant shall pay one fortieth part and one, one hun-
dred and eleventh part of the whole charge and shall receive one fortieth
part and one, one hundred and eleventh part of the premised purchase.
And Richard Smith Senr., Capt. John Cranston, Richard Smith Junr.
Robert Carr, Caleb Carr, Francis Brinley, fames Barker, [ames Rogers,
John Sailes, John Green, Valentine Whitman, and John Sanford shall
each of them pay one fortieth part of the whole charge and shall receive
one fortieth part of the premised purchase."

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 45

And so it goes through the whole list of 98 names until
the last which reads:

"Thomas Case, Anthony Ravenscraft, Thomas Oliver, and John Fones
shall each of them pav one nine hundreth part of the whole charge and
shall each of them receive one nine hundredth part of the premised
purchase."

A letter written by Francis Brinley, one of the purchas-
ers, states that "John Green . . . was the first person that
improved his land, and immediately sowed hay seed on his
land where about he intended to build a house." A descrip-
tion of this house will be taken up later.

The original plan of the purchasers provided for town
plots as well as farming sections. The four rod road, now
Narragansett Avenue, connecting the ferries, was the old
Indian trail and along this were located the town plots. The
farms were 'at the north and south ends of the island and
every 20 acres of farm land carried one acre of town plot.
But those actively interested were farmers and they gen-
erally sold or traded the town plot to which they were
entitled. Then again the purchase of the island, with many,
was simply a speculation in land and they sold their interest
even before the property was divided. All these things
resulted in great confusion and in 1680 the island was
resurveyed by Robert Hazard and all the records obtain-
able were ordered presented to the town clerk for recording.

All this would seem to indicate that the island was not
gaining many permanent residents, and for lack of land
evidence records we must turn to another source for further
information.

Conanicut is an island, and Newport was the only market
for products grown there. Most of the residents must have
had their own boats, but in a letter written in 1675, Captain
Church stated that, at the time of the Great Swamp fight,
when he was summoned from his home in Rehoboth to
Warwick, he crossed the bay by way of the ferries, and
there seems to be no question that he referred to ferries
from Newport to Conanicut and from Conanicut to Narra-

46 RHODE ISLAM) H [STORICAL SOCIETY

gansett. If there was travel enough to support two ferries,
one on each side of the island, it is quite evident that many
settlers had taken up a permanent residence on the island.

The history' of these ferries is most unusual and intensely
interesting. The establishing of some regular means of get-
ting to "market" would be the first necessity of an island
population, and while Captain Church mentions such fer-
ries in 1675 it is evident that they had then been in opera-
tion several years. The first license to operate a ferry was
granted in 1695 to Caleb Carr, afterward governor of the
colony, but records show that he had already operated the
ferry many years. The landing in Newport was at exactly
the same spot as is the present ferry landing, at the foot of
Mill Street, formerly Carr's Lane, and on the property of
Caleb Carr. The landing on Conanicut was about opposite
the south end of Gould Island, at the east end of North
Ferry Road, now Eldred Avenue. The old stone wharf is
still to be seen and is sometimes referred to as Howland's
Wharf. North Ferry Road extended directly west to the
west shore, and while there is no wharf in evidence at this
point, the stones along the shore seem to be the remains of
what once was a stone wharf. The landing for this west
ferry on the mainland was at Plum Beach.

It is hard to determine just how long the ferries were
operated at these points, but in 1 709 we find that John
Carr, son of Caleb, was granted a petition for the renewal
of his license. At the same time a license was granted to
Robert Barker to operate a ferry from Jamestown to New-
port, thus giving two ferries between Newport and James-
town. On the west side a license was granted to Capt. Josiah
Arnold and also one to John and Jeremiah Smith to oper-
ate from Boston Neck. This seems a superabundance, but it
must be remembered that these "ferries" were simply sail-
boats, operating at the mercy of wind and tide. Dr. McSpar-

lRhode Island Ferries by Dr. and Mrs. Charles V. Chapin, also R. I.
Hist. Coll. XIV, III.

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 47

ron tells of catching a ferry just before a storm and the
ferry did not sail again for two days, and on the east side a
boat once left Newport in the afternoon, got caught in the
ice off Rose Island and was carried through the passage,
beyond Brenton's Reef, not arriving at Jamestown until
late the next morning.

The ferry from Newport to Jamestown was owned by
descendants of Caleb Carr until 1 873, a period of 1 78 years.
The other ferries changed hands frequently. At one time
the colony undertook to operate the west ferry, but soon
gave it up and sold all the equipment and rights to Abel
Franklin for "the sum of Three Thousand and Five Hun-
dred Pounds in good and passable bills of public credit of
said Colony old Tenor." ( This was the time during which
the Colony was experimenting with flat money ; the amount
paid was worth less than £500 silver money.)

In 1873 the Jamestown and Newport Ferry Company
was organized and the Steamer Jamestown began her regu-
lar trips. But at the northern end of the island was a ferry,
so called, which operated only Saturdays, the day the farm-
ers "went to town" to trade their produce. The boat left
from the foot of Carr's Lane. The gathering farmers would
sit on the water fence awaiting the arrival of Sam Wright,
whose "Goot morning, chentlemens, if such ye be" was the
real signal for departure. But the newly organized ferry
company objected to even this competition. The boat was
purchased and the last sail boat ferry to Newport disap-
peared from the island.

The record of the Carr family in connection with the
ferry is quite remarkable. Caleb Carr founded the first ferry
sometime before 1695, his son John received the first
license to operate the ferry in 1 709. Ownership of the ferry
was handed down from father to son through five genera-
tions of Samuel Carrs to 1873. George C. Carr was organ-
izer and first president ( 1 8 73- 1902) of the Jamestown and
Newport Ferry Company; Thomas G. Carr was president,
1902-1908, and his son, George C. Carr, has been treasurer,

48 RHODK ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

except for one year, since 1913. So, except for eleven years,
a descendant of Caleb Carr has owned the Newport ferry
or been an officer in the ferry company from 1675 to the
present time — a period of 259 years.

In following the history of the ferries we see the devel-
opment of the island. But there is other evidence. Back in
1678, when there were but two sailboat ferries operating,
we find a petition by Caleb Carr and Francis Brinley to
the General Assembly to incorporate the town. This was
granted on November 4th the same year, "the inhabitants
to have the same priviledges and libertyes as were granted
to New Shoreham." The new town was named James
Towne, in honor of James I of England.

At the first town meeting the records show the following
officers elected:

TOWN MEETING FOR THE ELECTION OF OFFICERS

April 1679

John Fones chosen Moderator Engaged

John Fones chosen clerk of said town Engaged

Mr. Caleb Carr, Sen'r., Mr. Francis Brinley,

Caleb Carr, Jun'r., and Nicholas Carr chosen
to be Town Counsel 1 Engaged

Ebenezer Slocum and Michaell Kally chosen to be the
two constables of the said town, but Michaell
Kally obstinately Refusing to take his engage-
ment to said office, Caleb Carr, Jun'r. chosen
in his stead
Ebene7.er Slocum and Caleb Carr, Jun'r. Engaged
to their said offices.

Peter Wells chosen town sargeant Engaged

Nicholas Carr and Caleb Carr, Jun'r. chosen to be
viewers of cattle, sheeps Swine and Horses
wich may be carried or transported from this
Township.

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 49

John Fones

Ebenezer Slocum ye two deputies for ye court.

The first town hall was on the North Road just south of
North Ferry Road. The inhabitants were predominantly
farmers and the vision of a settlement on the town plots,
four miles south of North Ferry Road, was not realized
until many years later. The only part of the town plot which
was used was the Artillery Garden. It was evidently
intended to have this for a village green but it was early
used for a burial ground and is so used today. There are
stones standing that bear dates in the early 1700's.

There were four main highways, one running across the
island on the old Indian trail through the proposed town
plot. One ran north and south from this road to the north
end of the island, another from the Indian trail south to
the beach, and the other, North Ferry Road, ran east and
west connecting the ferries. But many of the farms did not
touch any of these highways, so an interminable number of
roads were laid out. These were not fenced and many ran
through other men's property. This led to endless trouble
and lasted many years. There is a story told about the pro-
posal to close one of these roads because it was not used.
This was opposed by Robert Watson and to prove that it
was used, he yoked up his oxen to the ox cart and drove up
and down it all day with his wife contentedly knitting,
seated in a chair placed in the cart. That night the opposi-
tion felled a number of trees, thus closing the road, but old
Robert cleared these up the next morning and resumed his
solemn journey. In the end, however, he lost out and the
road was closed. A later owner of the property deeded that
part of the farm back to the town to be used for a road if it
was ever thought best to open it again. This happened some
seventy-five years ago and was the last of the controversies
regarding roads.

The story of these old roads naturally leads to the old
houses. It will be recalled that Francis Brinley stated that
"John Green was the first to improve his land etc." As near

50 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

as can be determined he built his house about 1672 on what
is now known as Shoreby Hill. The house still stands but
has been so rebuilt, repaired and added to that all trace of
the original house is lost. There are portions of the eastern
part that possibly have the original timbers. Joseph Greene,
a Quaker and a descendant of John, who gave this farm in
trust for the benefit of the Friend's Church, described it as,
"My farm on the Island of Conanicut known by the name
of the Greene Farm, and the house thereon standing in
which I now live ( where my predecessors of the same name
have lived for generations back, if not from the first settle-
ment of the Island by English Emigrants)." Among the
stipulations of his will, he ordered that his clock be kept in
the southeast corner of the east front room and that the
west front chamber be kept in constant readiness for "Min-
isters and others traveling in the service of Truth." The
room was to be furnished with "two good bedsteads, two
beds, two bolsters, two pair of pillows, and other necessary
furniture." This will was contested, and was in court many
years before it was finally broken.

Another of the old houses is the Samuel Carr House,
located on the North Road near the center of the island
about four miles north of the Green farmhouse. It was built
about 1686 by Governor Caleb Carr for his son Edward.
Like the old Bull house in Newport, it was built partly of
wood and partly of stone. The stones of the western end are
different from any found on Conanicut and are laid in the
same kind of mortar as was found in the Bull house and the
Old Stone Mill. The walls were twenty or more inches
thick. Like the Greene farmhouse it has been rebuilt and
repaired. The immense chimney, which was in the outer
wall of the house, fell during a gale and the eastern half
has been rebuilt. It was occupied up to two years ago but is
now deserted and uncared for.

About three miles northeast of the Edward Carr house
is the house built by Capt. Thomas Paine, about 1680. It is
now the summer residence of Robert Yose. This house, also,

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 51

has been rebuilt and enlarged but still retains the immense
chimney with its old-fashioned fireplaces, the uncovered
beams in the ceiling, and a quaint china closet with glass
doors built in the corner of the front room. Unlike the
other old houses on the island, this one has its front door
on the east instead of the south.

Capt. Paine was commander of one of the first privateer
vessels sailing out of Narragansett Bay. In 1690 a fleet of
seven French privateers appeared off the New England
coast, capturing Nantucket, Martha's Vineyard and Block
Island. Capt. Paine with two sloops and ninety men was
sent against them. Off Block Island he encountered five of
them and, though greatly outnumbered, engaged the
enemy until night separated them. The next day the French
put to sea, but Capt. Paine gave chase and compelled them
to sink a prize loaded with wines and brandy.

From the records it would seem that Capt. Paine did a
little privateering on his own account. He was an intimate
friend of the famous Capt. Kidd, who visited him at James-
town.1 Lord Bellemont's journal for Sept. 26, 1699, reads:
"I also examined Capt'n Thomas Paine ( formerly a pirate)
upon his oath, relating to goods or treasure, imported by
Capt'n William Kidd, and reported to be left by Kidd with
the said Paine." This same year, when Capt. Kidd and his
wife were imprisoned in Boston, Mrs. Kidd wrote to Capt.
Paine requesting him to give the bearer twenty-four ounces
of gold for their support while in jail. In spite of the fore-
going, Capt. Paine was a captain in the commissioned offi-
cers of the town and Dr. McSparron occasionally held
services of the Church of England at his house. When
John J. Watson owned this farm, he started the "Social
Library" in 1870. This was the first library in the town,
and until recent years the list of books was still pasted on
the door of the cupboard where the books were kept.

About half way between the Greene farmhouse and the

JR. I. Hist. Soc. Coll. XV, 97, and XXIII, 19.

52 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Edward Carr house is the Carr homestead, built in 1 776 by
Nicholas Carr, grandson of Governor Caleb Carr. This is
the oldest house on the island which still remains as it was
originally built. It also has the unique distinction of always
having been owned and inhabited by descendants of the
builder. The house is built around a huge chimney having
six fireplaces, one of which has the baking oven, the great
cranes and the iron cooking kettles. The old grandfather's
clock, which Nicholas bought of Thomas Clagget the year
he built the house, still stands in the southeast corner of the
east front room, accurately ticking off the seconds, and its
silvery chime is but an echo of the happiness which this old
house has seen. Nicholas must have had faith in his country
for he built his house in troublous times, — among the
objects in the museum ( formerly the glass doored china
closet in the parlor ) is a cannon ball which was shot through
the southeast corner of the house under the eaves by a
British man-of-war. A story is told of an encounter Nicholas
had with the captain of one of the British war vessels. He
was plowing one day when this captain appeared and
ordered him to give up his oxen. No attention being paid
the captain drew his sword and struck Nicholas a blow on
the head. Quaker though he was, Nicholas started in to
defend his rights and soon a much battered British captain
cried for quarter. Later in the day a file of marines seized
the fighting Quaker and took him, a prisoner in irons, on
board the ship. Each morning, for three days, he was
brought on deck with a rope around his neck and given his
choice of getting down on his knees and kissing the hand of
a loyal subject of the king, or of being hanged. William
Battey and another Tory named Hull, friends and neigh-
bors of Nicholas, went aboard the ship and pleaded for their
friend, who was finally liberated. This "1776 House11 is
mie of the most picturesque places on the island.

Another interesting structure is the lighthouse at Beaver
Tail. According to the records of the Department of Com-
merce, the first lighthouse on the continent was built on

CSi*d40

% / / /

PACKET SHIP "RISING

from a drawing dan

^l&nwoont.

fMrna

S/0 >

OF PROVIDENCE

mber 9, 1812

From original owned by C. Prescott Knight, Esq.

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 53

Little Brewster Island, at the entrance to Boston Harbor,
in 1 7 1 5- 1 6 by the order and at the expense of the General
Court of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, being first
lighted September 14, 1716, old style.

The first real lighthouse on Conanicut, recognized as
such, was built at Beaver Tail in 1 749. But in the Proprie-
tors Records for the 10th day of the second month, 1705,
it was ordered "that there shall be a chimney built to the
Watch house of Beaver Tail." Again on the 9th day of
June, 1712, "At a meeting of the Town Counsell called by
the Governors order to sett a watch and build a Beacon. It
is ordered that John Hull grant a warrant to Gershom
Remington to warn the Indians to build a beacon as soon as
possible. It is further ordered that John Hull grant forth
a warrent to Benedict Arnold to look after the Watch and
see that it be. faithfully kept." In those days, ship building
and shipping was the principal industry around the shores
of Narragansett Bay, and while undoubtedly this watch and
beacon were primarily established to warn against attack
from the sea, it seems reasonable to believe that they might
have been used for the benefit of outgoing and incoming
vessels also. In which case it could be claimed that Beaver
Tail was the first lighthouse.

Another of the interesting old land marks is the Wind
Mill, which stands on Wind Mill Hill near the center of
the northern half of the island. This mil], however, is the
third and possibly the fourth mill that was built. Corn is
native to this country, and was unknown to Europe until
after America had become settled. It was the first gift to the
white men by the Indians and immediately became the
chief article of diet. To be usable it had to be ground. This
the Indians did by hand, but the inventive genius of the
white man early developed the water mill and later the
wind mill, the one in Newport being built in 1 663. It was a
long journey from Jamestown to Newport and the building
of a mill on the island must have been an early considera-
tion, but when or where the first mill was built is still

54 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

unknown. On North Ferry Road, on a high hill, stands an
old house the front door step of which is an old mill stone,
and it is probable that the first mill was in that immediate
vicinity. However, the first record of a mill is in 1728,
when the Town Meeting voted that "Richard Tew and
David Green go and buy stores and irons for the building
of a wind-mill and that Richard Tew and Thomas Carr
Provide lumber for the aforesaid mill." The mill was
running in 1730. In 1738 it was voted that Nicholas Can-
have the mill for his own proper estate, but in 1742 it was
voted "that Gershan Remington and John Martin is
apinted to talk to Nicholas Carr to keep the mill in
Repare." Nicholas had moved to Newport and what
happened to the mill is unknown. It is thought to have
stood somewhat north of the present mill.

It is evident that the town was without a mill in 1 760 for
a vote to build a new mill was passed in the negative. It
was again before the town meeting in 1768 and was again
voted down. Not until 1787 was the matter again consid-
ered, when a committee was appointed to investigate the
cost. They proved themselves thrifty men by petitioning
the General Assembly for the grant of a part of Col. Joseph
Wanton's farm which had been confiscated. Wanton was a
Tory and had left the island when the British evacuated
Newport. The petition was granted and the town was given
half an acre for this purpose. If, however, the mill became
useless or unused for a period of two years, the land was to
revert to the state. The mill was built and part of the money
was raised by the sale of the highways "running between
the North Point Farm and Jonathan Hopkins' and Tidde-
man Hull's, and the highway running through Joseph
Martin's Farm."

Jethro Briggs was the first miller and was required to
give bond in money or "as much corn as one hundred dol-
lars will purchase." Briggs moved to Newport in 1 793 and
the mill was without a miller. In 1 795 it was sold at public
auction to Benjamin Carr, but evidently he never took pos-

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 55

session, for the next year Briggs sold it to Nathan Munroe
for 301 Spanish milled dollars. The record is now complete
down to 1893, having been owned by ten persons in that
period. The highest price, $3,000, was paid by Isaac W.
Potter in 1 874. Thomas A. H. Tefft was the last operating
owner and his brother Jesse, the last miller ( 1 896 ).

The mill remained idle for many years and was fast fall-
ing to decay. In 1904, through the instrumentality of Mrs.
Frank H. Rosengarten and a number of the summer resi-
dents and the residents of the Carr Homestead, money was
raised and an informal Wind Mill Society was formed. The
deed was retained by Mrs. Rosengarten until 1912, when
the Historical Society, first proposed by Mrs. Elizabeth
Carr Locke of Los Angeles, was formed. The two societies
combined under the name of the Jamestown Historical
Society, with Miss Lena H. Clarke as the first president.
The old mill is now in almost complete repair, although is
not as yet in such mechanical condition as to be in actual
operation.

Turning from the commercial to the spiritual, we have
the Quaker Meeting House. Here again we must go back
many years before the present building. When the compact
of government was drawn up for the settlement at Pocasset,
it read in part: "It is ordered that none shall be accounted
a delinquent for doctrine," and so well was this observed
that Cotton Mather said, "I believe there never was held
such a variety of religions together on such a small spot of
ground — if a man had lost his religion he might find it at
the general muster of the opinionists." About 1 648, George
Fox founded the Society of Friends in England and, in
spite of persecution and imprisonment, the society grew in
numbers and were zealous in spreading their belief. In this
country the only welcoming hand was extended by New-
port; even Roger Williams was active against them. As
early as 1656, Quakers had become settled in Newport.
Fox himself preached there in 1 672, and by 1 700 Quaker-
ism had affected the entire population of the island. The

56 RHODE [SLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

leading citizens were active members of the society. As a
natural consequence the large majority of the settlers of
Jamestown were Quakers. The attendance at the Newport
Meetings was infrequent and meetings were soon held at
members' houses. An entry in the Newport Meeting rec-
ords reads, "At a man and womens meeting at ye house of
Mathew Borden the 24th Day 12 mo, 1684 this meeting
has thought fit with the approbation of Jamestown alias
Quononoquott to sett a quarterly meeting at Nicholas Carrs
in said town to begin the second day after our monthly
meeting in the first month next." In 1693 Thomas Chalk-
ley preached on Jamestown. For the "14th of 4th mo 1 709"
the Newport records read, "it was proposed at this meeting
by Representatives of Jamestown yt there is necessity of
building a meeting house at Jamestown which is referred
to next monthly meeting." The records for the meeting
read, "ye 9th day e 6 mo. 1709. This meeting doth give
leave for the friends of Jamestown to build a meeting
house on their island."

In the Land Evidence records for 1 7 1 0 there is recorded
a deed of the "land on which a meeting house stands in
which the people called Quakers usually meet." This defi-
nitely establishes that the first meeting house was built
1709-10. Also by this deed the location is established on
the north side of North Ferry Road, now Cemetery Lane,
in what is now known as the old cemetery. A few years ago
funds were raised to clear up this old cemetery, which was
al 1 overgrown with brush and trees. After this was done and
the old grave stones set up and repaired, there, in the south
east corner, directly in front of the entrance, was a clear
space, entirely free from graves, where, undoubtedly, stood
this first meeting house.

The next twenty-three years passed without anything of
particular interest except the general growth of the settle-
ment. It has been previously noted that, as the numbers on
the island increased, the center of population crept towards

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 57

the south. This brought about the next change which is best
told by the records themselves.

25 of the 10 mo 1733

"This meeting having had futher conference concerning Jamestown
meeting house, it is desired that the friends of that town do consider
among themselves whether it may not be for the General Service and
Benefit to Remove s'd meeting house or dispose of that and build another
at some other more convenient place and make a full return of their minds
in that matter to our next Mo meeting and David Green is desired to
acquaint the friends of Jamestown accordingly."

Newport 29th ye 1 1th mo 1733

"This meeting being informed that the persons that the deed of James-
town meeting house was made to, are all deceased excepting David Green
therefore this meeting doth desire David Green to make a deed of Con-
veyance of s'd house & the land belonging thereto to Daniel Weeden,
John Hull, Tho Carr and David Green Jr. and make report to next
monthly meeting.

"Whereas Jamestown friends are desirous to build a new meeting
house on their Island and Nicholas Carr signified that he is willing to
give as much land as is needful for that purpose and this meeting desires
said Nicholas Carr to pass a deed of conveyance for the s'd purpose to
Sam'l Clarke, Daniel Weeden, Tho Carr and John Hull and make report
to next Mo meeting."

Newport 26th da 1 mo 1734

"Sam'l Clarke makes report that Nicholas Carr hath' passed a deed of
conveyance of a quarter of an acre at Jamestown to set a new meeting
house on, to the Persons nominated at a former Mo. meeting."

Portsmouth 27th ve 6 mo 1734

"This meeting doth desire Sam'l Clarke and Nicholas Carr to Remove
the old meeting house at Jamestown to the place where is appointed to
build the new meeting house and to build an addition or 1 8 foot leantew
fashion with a chimney at the end and see what subscription they can get
and make report to our next Mo. meeting."

Newport 26th of the 9th mo. 1734

"Nicholas Carr and Sam'l Clarke brought an acc't of charge for moving
& building their meeting house amounting to £114 - 4 - 10 which is
allowed and ordered to be paid by John Casey out of the meeting stock."

58 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The deed of Nicholas Carr appears in the Land Evidence
Records for March 31,1 734, and by the boundaries given,
we find the land is that on which the present meeting house
stands. Peace and contentment reigned for many years. But
in 1775 the British fleet sailed into the harbor and took
possession of Newport and the fortified parts of Jamestown.
This critical period in the history of the island will be taken
up later. The effect of this occupation on the meeting house
is again best told by the records.

Newport 26th. 3 mo 1 776

"This meeting being informed that Friends have mostly moved from
Jamestown therefore this meeting doth appoint Gould Marsh & Thomas
Gould Jun. to inquire into circumstances of S'd Friends & the meeting
there & report to next monthly meeting."

Newport 28th 5 mo 1776

"The Friends who had the care of the matter respecting friends at
Jamestown made return which is accepted as followetli:

Newport 5 of the 5 mo 1776

"Agreeable to appointment we have made some inquiry respecting the
Meeting & Meeting House of Friends at Jamestown and were informed
that some time in the tenth month that most friends belonging thereto
left the Island whereby the meeting ceased and that the soldiers possessed
themselves of the House which suffered considerably from them in which
condition it still remains and but one family of friends as vet returned and
settled on the Island."

Newport 25 of 7 mo 1776

"The Preparative Meeting of Newport informed that Friends at
Jamestown had represented to them that they have for some time past
laboured under some disadvantage in regard to holding their Meeting at
Private Houses and proposed for Friends approbation for their better
accommodation whereupon we appoint Robert Dennis, Isaac Lawton,
Richard Mitchell, Gould Marsh and William Almv to confer with
Friends at Jamestown aforesaid, respecting the above."

Newport 26th of 9th mo 1 786
The committee appointed to confer with friends at

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 59

James Town respecting the Building a Meeting House
reported as follows, viz,

"According to our appointment, we have conferred with the Friends
of Jamestown respecting building a Meeting house at that place, and it is
our Judgement that it may be well that there be one built, provided that
it can be accomplished in the way by them proposed viz to procure
Mon'ies by subscription to purchase the material and to do the Labour at
their own expense And thin^; that a building 26 ft. by 20 of one story
high, sufficiently capacious to accommodate them."
(To be continued)

Genealogical Notes

By Edward H. West

DANIEL WILCOX

Who was the first wife of Daniel Wilcox? Elizabeth
Cook must have been his second wife, for in the deed to
Edward Lay in 1661, he reserved a rod of land for the
grave of his buried wife.

In a corner of a jog of land just north of this land are
three unmarked grave stones. I do not think that they are
Wilcox stones, but in the wall, where they have been moved
from the middle of the lot, are three fragments of stones.
On one of them is the inscription

"Samwell Wilcock 1689."

I think it possible that Daniel Wilcox (2) was the son
of the first wife.*

THOMAS COOK OF PORTSMOUTH

This article is to show that the names of the wives of
Thomas Cook, Sr., and of his son, Capt. Thomas Cook, as

*The same conclusion is reached by G. Andrews Moriarty in the
N. E. H.&G. Reg., Jan. 1933, p. 74, wherein he quotes from R. I. H. S.
Collections of July 1932.

60 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

given by Austin and other Cook lists are not correct; also,
there is to be a change in the children.

Thomas Cook, Sr., in his will, left the daughters of his
dec. son, Thomas Cook, 14 pounds apiece, his Exx. to be
wife Mary (his 2nd wife).

In 1693 (L. E. I. -307) Oliver Arnold gave receipt to
Jeremiah Brown of Newport, now husband of Mary, late
widow of the dec. Thomas Cook, for the sum of 1 5 pounds,
the legacy left said Arnold's wife, Phebe, by the will of her
g-father, Thomas Cook.

Thomas Cook, Sr., must have been at least 64 years of
age at the time of his death, going by the birth date of his
son John ( 163 1 ).

His 2nd wife, Mary, must have been much younger, as
she married again after his death in 1674, and was living
in 1692.

The will of William Havens mentions his daughter,
Mary Cook. She must have been born about 1655, as her
older brother, George, was born in 1653. This would make
her age compare with the above condition, and what follows
shows that she was not the wife of Capt. Thomas, as he had
wife Thomasin and not Mary.

12 Oct. 1670, "Whereas Capt. Thomas Cook of Ports-
mouth late deceased and left a verbal will leaving

his wife Exx. and she in her lifetime time not aplying her
self according to law to prove sayd will was thereby incap-
sitated to make a will for the Disposal of her sayd Husbands
Estate - - whereupon the eldist son and Heir of

the dec. Capt. Thomas Cook having aplyed himself unto
us the Counsell of the Town of Portsmouth, for our assist-
ance in the setling of his dec. fathers Estate - Wee
have and do hereby apoynt Thomas Cook, eldist son of the
afore named Capt. Thomas Cook, to be the whole and sole
Exicutor unto the whole Estate of the Sayd Capt. Thomas
Cook and the late Deceased widow Thomasin Cook."

GENEALOGICAL NOTES 61

"Said Thomas to have the whole estate, he paying all
debts of his deceased parents as well as the following
legacies.

" shall pay unto his brothers namely John, George,

Steven and Ebenezer Cook to each of them at the

age of 20 years 10 s.

"We also order that the said Thomas Cook shall pay
unto his sisters, namely Sarah, the wife of Peter Parker,
Mary the wife of Thomas Langford, Elizabeth, Phebe,
and Martha Cook, to each 5 s apiece."

This shows that Sarah was not the daughter of
Thomas, Sr.

Also it gives another Cook daughter, Mary Langford.

In a deposition of Thomas Cook taken in Newport,
22 July 1719, about the estates of Isaac and Thomas Law-
ton, he calls himself 62 years or thereabouts, which would
make his birth about 1657.

( Loose Paper, State House. )

Mary Langford's will mentions her husband's child and
gives its some clothes that were its own mother's. She also
mentions sister Sarah Parker and her brother Thomas.
(Scrap Book, Portsmouth. )

The will of Thomas Langford makes wife Mary sole
Exx., and he also "gives my whole estate with the
power and taking care of my son Thomas." (Scrap Book)
He does not mention the son John that Austin gives him.

Inventory of the goods of Mary Langford "who
departed this life on the 1 7 day of feb 1 670." ( Scrap Book)

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest

Notes on the Rhode Island Admiralty , 1727-1790, by
Frederick Bernays Wiener, is a pamphlet reprinted from
The Harvard Law Review, 1932, vol. XLVI, No. 1.

62 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The June 1932 Bulletin of the Jamestown Historical
Society contains an article on Old Jamestown by Maria A.
Carr.

A Spaniard's Visit to Newport in 1784, a translation
by Don Juan de Riano of Francisco Miranda's diary, is
printed in the October 1932 Bulletin of the Newport His-
torical Society.

The Auchmuty Family of Scotland and America by
Annette Townsend contains a biographical sketch and por-
trait of Judge Robert Auchmuty.

Carrie Tower, a poem by Harry Paul Taylor, illustrated
by Stacy Tolman, East Providence, 1932, was printed as a
pamphlet.

A Map of the Acquidnesset or North Purchase of the
Atherton Partners is the title of a pamphlet issued in
December by the Society of Colonial Wars in the State of
Rhode Island.

Sheffield, Daggett and Allied Families is an illustrated
volume of 273 pages, issued by the American Historical
Society.

A biography of John Underhill by Henry C. Shelley
contains several references to colonial Rhode Island.

The Journal of American History for 1932 contains an
article on The Rock-Inscriptions of New England —
Miguel Cortereal in Massachusetts, 1511, by Edmund
Burke Delabarre.

Kingston Congregational Church, History, By-Laws,
Membership is a pamphlet of 20 pages issued in Novem-
ber 1932.

Volume III of Documents Illustrative of the History of
the Slave Trade in America by Elizabeth Donnan, which
has just been published by the Carnegie Institution, contains
553 pages, of which 296 pages relate to the Rhode Island
slave trade.

NEW PUBLICATIONS OF R. I. INTEREST 63

The Official Gazetteer of Rhode Island is a pamphlet of
95 pages recently issued by the United States Geographic
Board.

Supplement to Ralph Earle and His Descendants is a
pamphlet of 12 pages by Amos Earle Voorhies, printed at
Grants Pass, Oregon.

House and Garden for December 1932 contains an
article by Walter A. Dyer on Old Tavern Signs, illustrated
with pictures of signs exhibited some years ago at the loan
exhibition held by the Rhode Island Historical Society.

The New England Historical and Genealogical Register
for January 1933 contains several important genealogical
articles relating to several Rhode Island families, viz:
Cranston, Fiske, Chase, Ginnedo and Mowry.

Notes

Mrs. Murray S. Danforth presented to the Society a
manuscript music book containing compositions by Oliver
Shaw, the Rhode Island composer, in his own hand writing.

Miss Theodora Wilbour of New York presented to the
Society a collection of one hundred and eighty-nine pieces
of early glassware as a memorial in honor of her sister,
Zoe Wilbour.

The following persons have been elected to membership
in the Society:

Prof. Will S. Taylor Rev. William Worthington

Mrs. Earl C. Hart Miss Anna Jones Dyer

Survey of Old Rhode Island Houses

Old Houses in the South County of Rhode Island, Part I,
compiled by the Society of Colonial Dames in the State of
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, and printed by
the Merrymount Press, contains 93 photographs, with de-
scriptive and historic notes, of the exterior and the interior

64 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

of 53 houses built prior to 1830, situated in the southern
portion of the present Washington County ; together with
an introduction by William Davis Miller, South County
Notes by Mrs. William B. Weeden, a map of the Petta-
quamscutt Purchase and two maps by Norman M. Isham
showing the location of the houses described, together with
the sites of houses long demolished.

This pictorial and written record of social conditions and
architectural development of the early days of this portion
of the State is of inestimable value both to the student and
to those interested in the colonial period of Rhode Island.
It is to be hoped that the subsequent volumes, covering the
remainder of the South County and other portions of the
State, will be published in the not far distant future, so that
an authoritative and comprehensive record of our early
houses may be accessible to future generations, when land
marks of today will be but historic record. The Society of
Colonial Dames is to be congratulated for this book, the
first published evidence of the exhaustive survey it has
undertaken.

Glocester, R. I.

By Howard M. Chapin

The question is often asked why Glocester, R. I., is
spelled without the "u," while Gloucester, in England and
in Massachusetts, is spelled with the "u." In the seven-
teenth and eighteenth centuries spelling was not as crystal-
lized in form as it is today, and it was not only customary
but proper to spell many proper names in more than one
way.

In the Index V Maris written by Mr. Adams of the Inner-
Temple and printed in London in 1680 the County of
Glocester, the city of Glocester, Glocester Hall in Oxford
and Glocester in Northumberland, all in England, were
spelled without the "u."

GLOCESTER, R. I. 65

Five pamphlets written by Josiah Tucker, Dean of
Glocester and printed at Glocester, England, between 1775
and 1 783 give the spelling without the "u."

In a pamphlet printed in London in 1 740 Gloucester is
spelled with the "u," but in a book printed in Glocester,
England, in 1 764, the name is spelled without the "u."

William Dugdale, Norroy King of Arms, in his monu-
mental work, The Baronage of England, printed in 1675,
spelled Glocester without the "u" in his account of the
earldom.

In the first quarto edition of Shakespeare's Richard III,
which was printed in 1597, Glocester is spelled without
the "u."

It will thus be seen that the spelling without the "u"
was the preferable spelling in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries in England, and that when the spelling with the
"u" became fashionable in eighteenth century London, the
other spelling persisted for a long time in local usage.
When Glocester, R. I., was named in 1730, the spelling
without the "u" which was adopted would seem to have
had in its favor the weight of the precedence of historical
and literary usage and authority.

Rhode Island Historical Society
Treasurer's Report

INCOME ACCOUNT FOR YEAR 1932

Receipts

Annual Dues $2,725.00

Dividends and Interest 4 196.29

Newspaper Account 31.50

Rental of Rooms 105.00

State Appropriation 1,500.00

Surplus Income Account ] 30.00

$8,687.79

66 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Expenditures

Binding $ 384.63

Books 629.70

Electric Light and Gas 44.95

Exhibitions 104.92

Expense 1 85.62

Grounds and Building 43.45

Heating 700.00

Insurance 225.00

Publication 460.28

Salaries 5,580.00

Supplies 251.49

Telephone 69.75

Water 8.00

$8,687.79
STATEMENT OF CONDITION, DECEMBER 31, 1932

Assets

Grounds and Building $ 2 5,000.00

Investments:

Bonds

$4,(100. Cedars Rapids M. & P. Co., 5s, 195 3 $3,228.88

3,000. Central Mfg. District 3,000.00

3,000. Cleveland Elec. Ilium. Co., 5s, 1939 ... 2,565.42

4,000. Dominion of Canada, 5s, 1952 4,003.91

1,000. Western Electric Co., 5s, 1944 998.17

4,000. 61 Broadway Bldg., 1st Mtge., 5>^s,

1950 ' 4,000.00

4,000. Minnesota P. & Lt. Co., 1st 5s, 1955 ... 3,930.00
4,000. Monongahela Valley Traction Co., 1st

5s, 1942 ' 3,685.00

2,000. Ohio Power Co., 1st & Ref. 5s, 1952 . 1,974.00

2,000. Narragansett Elec. Co., 5s, 1947 1,980.00

2,000. Shell Union Oil Corp., 5s, 1947 1,979.00

2,000. Koppers Gas & Coke Co., 5s, 1947 1,962.50

1,000. Indianapolis Power & Lt., 1st 5s, 1957 994.50
1,000. Texas Pwr. & Lt., 1st Ref. 5s, 1956 1,021.2 5
1,000. Pennsylvania R. R., Deb. 4>^s, 1970 922.5 0

1,000. Pennsylvania Water & Power Co., 1st

5s, 1940 1,005.42

TREASURER S REPORT 67

Stoc

54 shs. New York Central Railroad Co $3,766.47

125 shs. Pennsylvania Railroad Co 7,638.35

30 shs. Lehigh Valley Railroad Co 2,1 12.50

7 shs. Lehigh Valley Coal Sales Co. 23 5.39

40 shs. Milwaukee Elec. Ry. & Lt. Co., Pfd. ... 3,900.00
64 shs. American Telephone & Telegraph Co. 5,960.05

3 50 shs. Providence Gas Cq 5,755.68

1 5 shs. Providence National Bank )

30 shs. Merchants' National Bank Bldg.} MOO. 00

45 shs. Blackstone Canal National Bank 1,050.00

52 shs. Atchison, Topeka & S.F. Ry. Co., Com. 6,247.85

20 shs. American Power & Light 1,696.50

30 shs. Standard Gas & Electric, 4s, Pfd 1,906.50

3 5 shs. Public Service of N. J., 5s, Pfd. 3,327.63

1 0 shs. Public Service of N. J., 5s, Cum. Pfd. ... 990.00
10 shs. Electric Bond and Share, 5s, Pfd 922.00

84,5 59.47

Cash on hand 4. ^Qg ^5

$113,968.12

Liabilities

Equipment Fund $ 25,000.00

Permanent Endowment Fund:

Samuel M. Noyes $ \ 2,000.00

Henry J. Steere 10,000.00

James H. Bugbee 6,000.00

Charles H. Smith 5 000.00

William H. Potter 3,000.00

Charles W. Parsons 4,000.00

• Esek A. Jillson 2,000.00

John Wilson Smith 1 000.00

William G. Weld 1,000.00

Charles C. Hoskins 1 ,000.00

Charles H. Atwood 1,000.00

Edwin P. Anthony 4,000.00

John F. Street 1,000.00

George L. Shepley 5,000.00

Franklin Lyceum Memorial 734.52

56,734.52

68 RHODK ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Publication Fund:

Robert P. Brown $ 2,000.00

Ira P. Peck 1 ,000.00

William Gammell 1 ,000.00

Albert |. Jones 1,000.00

William Ely 1,000.00

Julia Bullock 500.00

Charles H. Smith 100.00

6,600.00

Life Membership 5,600.00

Book Fund 3,0 1 2.41

Reserve Fund 1 ,098.3 7

Revolving Publication Fund 378.27

Surplus 13,900.87

Surplus Income Account 1 ,643.68

$113,968.12
PRINCIPAL ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR 1932

Receipts

Commonwealth Edison Company (Paid) $1,099.50

Reserve Fund 1 88.25

Revolving Publication Fund 3 1 2.00

Life Membership 50.00

$1,649.75

Balance January 1, 1932 2,765.89

$4,415.64

Payments

Penn. Water & Power Co., 1st, 5s, 1940 (Purchased) $1,00 5.42

Reserve Fund 1 05.25

Revolving Publication Fund 540.00

$1,650.67
Balance December 31, 1932 2,764.97

$4,415.64
Respectfully submitted,

G. A. Harrington,

Treasurer

Form of Legacy

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island

Historical Society the sum of

dollars. "

Roger Williams Prlss ^1}*

E. A. Johnson Co.

providence

Rhode Island

Historic aI ^c i e t y
Collections

Vol. XXVI

JULY, 1933

No. 3

Issued Quarterly

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island

CONTENTS

PAGE

Rhode Island Historical Society Building . . Cover

The Touch-Mark of Josiah Keene

by Madelaine R. Brown, M.D. ... 69

Biscuit City

by William Davis Miller .... 72

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . . 78

Notes 79

A Short History of Jamestown

by W.L.Watson 79

The King Tom House . . . . . 91

Genealogical Notes, (Potter)

by Edward H. West 92

The Westconnaug Purchase

by Theodore G. Foster .... 94

Heraldic Note^

Illustrated by Harold Bowditch ... 98

,,„FV;' '"*£..:

RHODE
HISTORICAL

ISLAND

SOCIETY

COLLECTIONS

Vol. XXVI

JULY, 1933

No. 3

William Davis Miller, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.

The Touch-Mark of Josiah Keenc,
Rhode Island Pewterer, 1778 or 9-1868

By Madelaine R. Brown, M.D.

Until the plate described below was located in the
autumn of 1932, no example of Josiah Keene's larger
touch-mark was known to collectors of American pewter.
A pint porringer of the Rhode Island type, marked
"I. K.," described and attributed to him in Mr. Myer's
"Notes," is now in the Yale University Museum. From
Mr. Calder's exhaustive study of Rhode Island pewterers
published in 1924 by this quarterly, we know that Keene
advertised as pewterer, coppersmith and founder in the
Providence Gazette, October 2, 1802. The same author has
also reproduced a receipt given William Calder, pewterer,
by Josiah Keene in 1817 for seven varieties of moulds,
including one for an eight-inch plate and one for a pint
porringer.

THE TOUCH-MARK OF JOSIAH KEEXE 71

This SJ/i inch plate, bearing part of Keene's touch, is
in such excellent condition that it could have been used
very little. It is evident, therefore, that originally this
mark was only partially struck. The touch is similar to
that of Samuel Hamlin, and from the accompanying illus-
tration it will be seen that the S}i inch plate by Gershom
Jones was cast in an indentical mould, and that by William
Calder probably in the same mould.

TOUCH-MARK OF
JOSIAH KEENE

The scarcity of known examples of Keene's pewter
to-day may possibly be explained by two facts. First, his
touch-mark may have been incompletely struck on much
of his ware. Second, as Mr. Laughlin points out in the
article on Keene from the manuscript of his projected book
on American pewter, which he has kindly sent me, Josiah
Keene was essentially a coppersmith and brass founder,
making pewter only in the first few years of his business
life, and finally selling his moulds in 1817.

72 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Biscuit City

By William Davis Miller

Biscuit City, or Harley's Mill as it is sometimes more
accurately but less picturesquely called, has the probable
distinction of being the smallest city in the country. The
little cluster of houses, never appearing to have exceeded
more than six in number exclusive of the mill, grouped
about the "Great Spring" and the stream and mill pond
fed by its unfailing flow, lies about a mile to the southwest
of the village of Kingston.

The origin of the name of this small hamlet is obscure
but by tradition, and as recorded by Shepard Tom in his
Jonny Cake Papers, it sprang from the imagination of an
itinerant vendor, who, upon a visit to the little community,
was so impressed by the remarkable number of biscuits
being made by the housewives, that he dubbed it by the
name it has ever since borne, and by which it is familiarly
alluded to by the people of South Kingstown.

The lands upon which Biscuit City stood were in the
central portion of that great tract purchased from the Nar-
ragansett Sachems by the Pettaquamscutt Purchasers in
1657. They in turn deeded to William Knowles, in 1671,
five hundred acres of this Purchase, which included the
lands under consideration. The Knowles family retained
possession until 12 April 1738 when Henry Knowles sold
two hundred acres to Col. Elisha Reynolds, merchant of
Little Rest. The following year Reynolds purchased an
additional four hundred acres from Henry Knowles,
apparently the remainder of Knowles lands in that vicinity.
It would appear that this last purchase, made 12 March
1 739, included the spring and stream. In this deed there is
mention of a house but no mention of a mill, the house being
probably that, the ruins of which still remain, situated a
short distance to the northwest of the mill site.

BISCUIT CITY 73

On 18 August 1788 Elisha Reynolds sold sixteen acres
and twenty-eight rods to John Larkin. This would seem to
be the beginning of the mercantile era of the "City," for
while the deed mentions "a dwelling house there on stand-
ing," mentions the "Great Spring at the head of the Mill
Pond," and gives to Larkin right to "open the brook that
comes from Samuel Tefts land across sd grantors land"
no direct mention is made of a mill. However when, on
25 May 1795, Larkin sold these lands to John Taylor
Nichols, the saddler of Little Rest, whose shop adjoined the
old Bank in the village, the land is described as "with a
dwelling house and a Grist Mill thereon standing." Larkin
bought an additional four acres adjoining his land on the
east from Elisha Reynolds in 1 79 1 .

Nichols operated the mill less than two years selling out
to Jonathan .Babcock, "Schoolmaster alias Yoeman," on
21 February 1797. Nichols, however, retained the upper
portion of the mill pond and the "Great Spring" but bound
himself "Not to alter the course or Stop the water which
Runs from the great Spring into the Mill Pond and all
other water Courses which Vent it Selfe into Said Pond and
to Drownd as much of the land which Belongs to Said
Nichols as May happen at any Uncommon Rise of Water
in Said Mill Pond from Freshets or otherwise." This
upper portion of the land, ten acres, Nichols sold to Elisha
Reynolds Potter in 1801 who in turn, six years later, sold
two acres to Babcock.

In 1808, Biscuit City reached the height of its activity
and was to achieve additional distinction. On the sixteenth
of March of that year, Jonathan Babcock, having laid aside
his title of "School Master" and styling himself "Miller,"
sold four and one-half acres and twenty-five rods of his
land, excluding his home, the old house mentioned in the
earlier deeds, to "The President, Directors and Company
of South Kingstown Cotton Manufactury," said to be the
first company to be organized in the United States for the
manufacture of cotton cloth. The deed recites the officers

—

w Yi

. ' r

! ^

i h -

' '

* '-

«P..

BISCUIT CITY 75

as follows: "James Helme President, Rowland Hazard,
James Shearman, Cyrus French, William Peckham."

The old approach to Biscuit City and the mill was by a
right of way across the lands of Elisha Reynolds, later in
possession of Elisha Reynolds Potter, at the western foot
of Little Rest Hill, leaving the road to the present West
Kingston at a point adjacent to where that road crosses
Whitehorn Brook. In "1809, Potter deeded "the copart-
ners & proprietors of the Cotton Factory" a piece of land
to be "used and occupied as a road or public highway across
the lands of the grantor" the consideration being that the
Company release the old right of way to Potter. This road
was laid out and is the present approach to Biscuit City.
This deed is of interest as it gives a more complete list of
those interested in the South Kingstown Cotton Manu-
factury ( alias The Cotton Factory, alias the Narragansett
Cotton Manufacturing Company): "Levi Bradford,
Hezekial Babcock, Jonathan Babcock, John G. Clarke,
Cyrus French, Elisha R. Gardner, Benjn Greene, Row-
land Hazard, James Helme, Joseph M. Knowles, Robert
Knowles, Geo Hazard, John T. Nichols, Wm. Nichols,
Wm. Peckham, Wm. Peckham, Jr., James Sherman, John
R. Sherman, John Segar, Chr. Robinson, Borden Rathbun,
Benj" Wright, Elisha Watson, Jr., Jos. Reynolds, Benjn
Congdon & John C. Helme being the copartners &
proprietors — "

For eleven years the Cotton Factory, to use the shortest
of the several names, would appear to have continued
operation with diminishing success, and then sold, on 2
January 1819, the land it had received from Babcock to
Rouse C. Clarke, Jr., of Richmond "with a large building
thereon with water wheels & other wheels & gear viz: all
the geer that is immediately connected with the wheels, two
dwelling homes & other out buildings." The consideration
the Company received would seem indicative of their
financial condition. It was "the sum of two thousand dol-

RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

biscuit city yy

lars paid the cashier of the Narragansett Bank to our use
being part of the debt due to sd Bank from sd Company."
After the sale to Clarke the land transfers became com-
plicated and the lands were divided into small holdings,
causing one amusing situation wherein Clarke in 1820
owned the door yeard of the old house still occupied,
apparently, by Jonathan Babcock. This was restored to
Babcock, however, in 1^24 by formal deed duly recorded.
Clarke operated the old mill not for textiles but for the
manufacture of carriages and wagons. He sold out to Asa
Potter on 10 June 1 829, having previously sold some of the
land to Elisha Reynolds Potter, who owned the land sur-
rounding the "City." Clarke deeded "lock, stock and
barrel" for the deed lists a remarkable number of car-
nages and wagons, completed and unfinished, together with
the tools and gear necessary to their manufacture.

On 1 1 November 1830 Asa Potter sold the Mill prop-
erty by auction, the successful bidders being Solomon S.
Harley and George C. Clarke. Harley operated the mill
as a grist mill for many years and on 23 May 1866 the
land, "with a grist mill — formerly known as the Narragan-
sett Factory," having come to John Henry Wells and his
wife, partly by inheritance, partly by purchase and partly
by exchange, was conveyed to Judge Elisha Reynolds
Potter, great grandson of Elisha Reynolds, who had pur-
chased it over a hundred years before. It remained in the
Potter family until recently when the "Great Spring" was
utilized as an auxiliary source to the water supply for the
village of Kingston and the lands immediately adjacent
were acquired by a Company formed for this purpose.

With the old mill and the Jonathan Babcock house in
ruins, with only two of the other houses standing and with
the "Great Spring" diverted to other uses, Biscuit City is
now but a name and a memory.

78 RHODE ISLAND H ISTORICAL SOCIETY

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest

History and Genealogy of the Ancestors and Some
Descendants of Stukely Westcott by Roscoe L. Whitman
is a volume of 435 pages, published by the Otsego Pub. Co.,
Oneonta, N. V.

The Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society for
April 1933, contains the translation of several letters and
papers relating to the French forces in Rhode Island during
the Revolution and also an account of P. F. Little, the
Little Compton printer.

Negroes on the Island of Rhode Island by Charles A.
Battle is a pamphlet of 38 pages published at Newport,
in 1932.

Obadiali Holmes, Ancestor and Prototype of Abraham
Lincoln by Rev. Wilbur Nelson is a pamphlet of 20 pages
printed at Newport, in 1932.

Letter of Instructions to the Captain and the Supercargo
of the Brig "Agenoria" Engaged in a Trading Voyage to
Africa, in 1 832 and 1 833, with other papers connected with
the voyage, is a pamphlet of 46 pages privately printed for
Howard Greene of Milwaukee, and Arnold G. Talbot of
Philadelphia. The Agenoria was a Providence vessel.

The Mariner for January 1933, contains the articles of
agreement for the building of a ship at Warren, R. I.,
in 1747.

The Letters of Eleazar IV heel or/As Indians} published
by Dartmouth College, contains over thirty pages of letters
written by Narragansett Indians from 1765 to 1778.

Antiques for April 1933, contains an illustrated article
by Ruel P. Tolman on Other Malhone Miniatures.

Historic Newport is an attractive and interesting illus-
trated booklet recently issued by the Newport Chamber of
Commerce.

NEW PUBLICATIONS OF R. I. INTEREST 79

Volume 1 of Richmond Family Records by Henry I.
Richmond, M.A., Sc.B., of Little Compton, R. I., has just
been published by Adlard & Son, London. It is a volume of
232 pages dealing in exhaustive detail with the Richmonds
of Maryland, Virginia, New England, Ireland, and Somer-
set, England. Mr. Richmond has devoted many years to
research relating to the Richmond family.

The May 1933 Bulletin of the Business Historical So-
ciety contains some letters of Samuel Slater, and a letter to
Moses Lopez of Newport in regard to the manufacture of
potash.

Notes

The following persons have been elected to member-
ship in the Society:

Mrs! A. L. Grant Mrs. George E. Downing

Capt. Ernest H. Brownell Mrs. Alden L. Littlefleld

Mr. Horace M. Peck

A Short History of Jamestown
By W. L. Watson

{Continued front page 59)

In the records of the Newport Meeting for the 24th of
the 6th month 1 788, it is stated that the money raised for
building a new meeting house was not sufficient and it was
voted that £7-1 1-5 pence be paid out of the general treas-
ury. It is thus conclusive that the new meeting house, which
is the one now standing, was built in 1786 or 1787. And so
we have the records of the building which is now standing
and which, during the summer months, is still opened for
"Quaker Meeting."

80 RHODE [SLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

So firmly was Quakerism established on the island that,
for a period of 132 years after the first meeting house was
built, no other religious sect had a place of worship, al-
though Dr. McSparron made frequent visits and held
services of the Church of England in private residences,
particularly those of Capt. Paine, Bro. Arnold and Mr.
Martin.

After holding services in the old North School House
for some time the first Baptist Society built their meeting-
house in 1 841 -2, and an agreement appears on their records
whereby they allowed the Seventh Day Baptists to use it.
This little meeting house still stands on the North Road
just south of Carr's Lane. The church on Narragansett
Avenue, which is now used, was built in 1891, by the
Central Baptist Society.

In 1836 there was only "one person on the island in
communication with the F,piscopal Church." In 1837 the
parish was admitted to the Fpiscopal Union. The Rev.
Edward Way land was the first minister. In 1878 Rev. Dr.
Magill of Trinity Church, Newport, took it as a mission
and in 1896 it became an independent congregation.

In 1890 the Roman Catholic Church celebrated its first
mass at the Thorndyke Hotel. For fourteen years the parish
was continued as a mission of St. Mary's Church, Newport.
In 1 900 it was established as a permanent parish.

But now we must retrace our steps somewhat. In sketch-
ing the various activities and growth of the town, it has
undoubted]}" been noticed that every one of them suffered
by the Revolutionary War. This was the most critical as
well as the most disastrous period in the town's history.

From 1730 to just before the war, it must be remem-
bered, Newport was at the height of its prosperity, sur-
passing New York as a commercial center. Over 200 vessels
were engaged in foreign trade and over 400 coasting vessels
sailed from this harbor as well as a regular line of packets
to London. Thousands of seamen thronged the docks,
warehouses were overflowing, there were 1 7 manufacturers

A SHORT HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 81

alone of sperm oil and candles, vast fortunes were made in
the slave trade and the distilling of rum, and ship yards
were scattered all along the shores of the bay. Wealth was
abundant and prosperity every man's portion. Jamestown
could not help but share in this general condition and was
alert to better her condition, as is shown in the following
vote of the town meeting of December 26, 1767.

"It is voted that the Hon. Josiah Arnold Esq. William Hazard Esq.
Oliver Hull Esq. Mr. Daniel Weeden, Mr. John Weeden, Capt. John
Eldred, Capt John Gardner, & Mr. John Remington or the major part
of them, be, & they hereby are apointed a committee to consider of the
most Salutary measures to be Recommended to this town, for incouraging
Industry, frugality, & the Manufactures of this colony, as well to Discour-
age the use of British & foreign Manufactures and Superfluities imported
from abroad; & that they make Report of their procedings to this meeting
which stands adjourned to the third Tuesday of January next."

Here we also have a public expression of dissatisfaction
over British authority. Jamestown was surrounded by ship-
ping.- High import taxes, particularly on molasses, had
made smuggling a common practice. Encounters between
trading vessels and British excise vessels were frequent.
Respect for British enforcement of law was at a low ebb.
Slowly but surely the undercurrents of resistance were con-
verging into a mighty stream.

On February 10, 1774, the records read:

"Considering the Greate importance in Preserving to ourselves & Pos-
terity our Indubitable & Inherent Rights do Vote and it is Voted and
Resolved by this Meeting that for preventing any tea subject to a duty
sent out by the East India Company being Landed in this town, we do
Willingly and heartily Join in the s'd Resolves Containing N.N. nine, and
to the utmost of our power will stand by and Support our Brethren in this
and the sister Colony's in all such Just and Laudable Measures as may
preserve to us our Just Rights and priveledges as Englishmen."

Then on October 16, 1775, it was voted:

"That a Watch be set and kept in this town till further Orders fron
the town from Six O'Clock in the evening till Sun rise the Next morning
that the watch be set and kept from Eldreds Northward Round the Point
& if necessarv to keep also a strict On the Western Shore from the Point
as far down as Opposite s'd Eldgedges Shore."

82 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Then again, fearing serious disaster, it was voted on
October 21, 1775, "that the Records of this town be kept
in North Kingstown where they now are or in some Other
Secure place as the Town Clerk or Council Clerk Shall
Think Proper, untill further Order from the town."

Narragansett Bay, with its large amount of shipping, had
always been a focal point for the British Revenue ships.
In 1769 the armed sloop Liberty was sent to Newport
from Boston, to enforce the revenue laws. She seized a
Connecticut brig and a sloop and brought them into New-
port. The indignant citizens managed, by a subterfuge, to
get all the Liberty's men ashore and then someone went
out and cut her cable. She drifted ashore and was later
struck by lightning and consumed by fire. In 1772 the
Gaspee was destroyed. These revenue vessels were a fa-
miliar sight from Jamestown and were the reason for
establishing the night patrol. The men of the patrol did
not always use discretion and occasionally took pot shots at
these vessels. So, also, did Capt. John Eldred. The story-
is told by Field in "Revolutionerv Defences of Rhode
Island."

"During the Revolution, there lived, on the Eldred Farm, on the east
side of Conanicut, Captain John Eldred, a patriot of the purest type. On
his land there were two great rocks overlooking the water from a com-
manding position. Here Captain Eldred planted one of the guns taken
from the fort on the island (the battery where Fort Dumpling later stood) .
From time to time, the patriotic old farmer would amuse himself by firing
a shot at the British vessels as they passed up and down the East Passage.
One day, he was fortunate enough to put a shot through the mainsail of
one of the enemy's ships. This little pleasantry on the part of Farmer
Eldred was not relished by the Britisher. A boat was lowered and a force
sent ashore to dislodge the company, which, it was supposed, occupied the
station, and spike the gun. Upon seeing the boat lowered, Mr. Eldred
quicklv hid himself in the swamp at the far end of his farm, and when the
boat's party arrived on the spot, nothing was found but the gun mounted
between the rocks. This they spiked, and the company they expected to
capture had vanished as completely as though swallowed up In the earth.
This was Eldred's one gun battery."

A SHORT HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 83

(The Jamestown Chapter of the D. A. R. is named the
"John Eldred Chapter," and a few years ago placed a
tablet on one of the rocks. )

Whether it was because of this or out of pure wanton-
ness, on December 1 1, 1775, the British landed 200 men
on the island and proceeded to destroy the village. The
account is given in the diary of Ezra Stiles, a minister of
Newport.

"Dec. 10, 1775. This morning we were awakened with the conflagra-
tion of Jamestown on Conanicut. An awful sight! . The bomb brigg and
several Tenders full of marines went over last night, and about v o'clock
or a little before day landed and set fire to the Houses. The men continued
ravaging and burning 'till about Noon and returned.

"Dec. 11, 1775. About 1 o'clock vesterday morning a Bomb Brig,
1 schooner, & 2 or 3 armed sloops went to Conanicott & landed upward of
Two hundred Marines Sailors &Negroes at the E. Ferrv and marched in
three divisions over to the W. Ferry, & set the several houses on fire there,
then retreated back sett fire to almost every house on each side of the road,
& several Houses and Barns some distance on the N. & S. side of the Rode,
driving out Women & Children etc.

Houses Burnt & Lost
Widow Hull 1 house

Jos. Clarke, Esq. 2 houses & 1 Barn

Thos. Fowler 1 house& 1 Crib

Ben. Ellery 2houses & 1 Store

Benj. Remington 2 houses

Jno. Gardiner --2 houses & 1 Tanvard

Gov. Hutchinson 1 house

Wm. Franklin 2 houses

Abel Franklin 1 house

Bend. Robinson 1 house

1 5 Dwellings

A Company of Minute Men had left Conanicut the Aft. before so
that there were but 40 or 50 soldiers on the Island, of which 22 were well
equipped. At the Cross Rodes there was a Skirmish our pple killed one
Officer of Marines and wounded 7 or 8. Not one Colonist was killed or
hurt in the Skirmish. The Kings forces fired on Mr. Jno. Martin aet 80
standing at his Door and wounded him Badly. Mr. Fowler had about 30
Head Cattle: these the Regulars carried off and perhaps a dozen Head
more, about 30 Sheep & as many Turkevs, & some Hogs, Beds, Furniture

84 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

and other plunder. They returned on hoard at X or XI o'clock & came to
this Harbor aboul Noon.

'The Alarm spread,& 1 an told there are this day Three hundred Men
on Conanicutt l\ Eight hundred upon the Island. The Town in great
Consternation.

An account also appeared in the Providence Gazette,
December 16, 1775, under the heading "The Burning of
Jamestown," as follows:

"Sunday morning last, the bomb brig, a schooner, and two or three
armed sloops left the harbor of Newport and landed about two hundred
marines, sailors and Negroes on the Ferry on the east side of Conanicut,
from whence they immediately marched across in three divisions to the
West Ferrv, and after burning all the houses near the Ferry-Place, re-
turned towards their vessels, setting tire to almost every house on each
side of the road, from the West to the Fast Ferry, and several houses and
hams some distance on the North and South side of the road, driving out
the women and children, swearing they should be burnt in the houses, if
they did not instantly turn out. Captain Wallace commanded. Mr. John
Martin, standing unarmed in his own door, was shot. Fifty cows and six
oxen, a few sheep and hogs were taken. All were plundered of beds, wear-
ing apparel and household furniture. They left Conanicut the same morn-
ing and got back to Newport at Noon."

Every house in the village was destroyed. They confined
themselves to the village, however, so the farm houses at
the north were saved. General Washington, in a letter
written at Cambridge, speaks of "the barbarity of Capt.
Wallace on Conanicut Island."

In the spring of 1 776 Capt. Wallace and his fleet with-
drew from the bay. But for only a short period was this
territory to be unmolested. On December 7, 1776, Job
Watson, from his watch tower on Tower Hill, saw a large
squadron of war vessels coming toward the entrance of
Narragansett Bay. They sailed up the west passage, around
the north end of the island and anchored along the shores
of the Island of Rhode Island, from Portsmouth to New-
port Harbor. Eight to ten thousand British and Hessian
troops landed and took possession of Newport, and, once
again, this little colony on Jamestown was in a desperate

A SHORT HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 85

plight. Out of a population of over 600 in 1 774, but a little
over three hundred remained.

But now there was a demand for men for the army. On
September 24, 1776, two men were sent from the island.
On November 21, 1776, the General Assembly made a
levy of 6 men out of every 100 male inhabitants. The
following entry in the town records, December 3, 1776,
gives a vivid picture of their condition:

"This Meeting being Conven'd in Obedience to an Act of the Genera]
Assembly held at East Greenwich 21 of Nov. 1776, for Raising Six men
out of every Hundred of the Male Inhabitants as last Estimated in this
town to be sent to the Island of Rhode Island in ten days after the Rising
of s'd Assembly to assist in Defending the s'd Island against the Minis-
terial fleets and armies now at war against the free and Independent States
of America. This town Meeting as freemen being Met & Considering
their Depopulated Distressed and Defenceless condition toward the Rais-
ing Equiping and sending forward s'd men agreeable to said act do at this
time Most sensebly regret and find that 'tis out of the power of the town
to Raise the Men Required by s'd Act but at the same time are Willing &
Desirous to be aiding & assisting in the Defence of Rhode Island, for that
Purpose will endeavour to Inlist the six men Required of this town by s'd
act equip & send then forward for the Common Defence Speedily as mav
be agreeable to said act. but if the town in their Now most Calammitous
& Distressed Situation find it out of their power to raise s'd men they
humbly hope the fine for not Raising Equiping & sending them forward
agreeable to s'd act may not be Exacted on the Inhabitants of the town."

As soon as the British started to plan their intrenchments
in and around Newport, it was seen it would be necessary to
occupy Conanicut so that adequate protection might be
obtained on the west. The American forces could assemble
in Narragansett on the main land and cross over to Conani-
cut unmolested. From there they would command the east
as well as the west passage to Narragansett Bay and it would
be but a short distance to Newport. To prevent this possibil-
ity the 54th British Regiment was detailed to occupy the
redoubt on the west side of the island (Fox Hill) about
two miles north of the light-house (Beaver Tail), which
they noted upon entering the bay, had been abandoned by
the Americans. War vessels were anchored along the west

86 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

coast of the island and also between Conanicut and Prudence
Island.

As a further protection a redoubt was erected north east
of the narrow beach between Mackerel Cove and Sheffield's
Pond. At this redoubt barracks to accommodate 50 men and
officers were built. Still another redoubt or fort was erected
later at the Dumplings which commanded the east passage.
These fortifications were fully equipped with cannon, and a
detachment of troops, frequently Hessians, were stationed
there. At one time two battalions were stationed on the
south end of the island at Beaver Tail, but no evidence has
been found that any fortifications were ever erected there.

On December 9, 1 777, a detachment of 50 men was sta-
tioned on the island to cut wood for the troops in Newport.
A transport was anchored near the ferry. Here the troops
slept and when landing in the morning they were ordered
to take their arms with them. This work continued until
every tree available for fire wood had been cut down.

In July, 1778, word was received that the French fleet
had set out for Newport to join the American forces in an
attack on the British Army entrenched at Newport. All the
fortifications on Conanicut were strengthened and more
men stationed there. On July 29th, the French fleet ap-
peared off the entrance to the bay. Had they immediately
landed forces on Conanicut they could have captured the
entire British force stationed there, but instead, they re-
mained at anchor off Beaver Tail for several days. In the
meantime the British withdrew their troops and the evacua-
tion was so precipitate that they spiked the cannon at Fox
Hill and those at the Dumplings, two 24 pounders, were
thrown down the rocks into the sea.

The delay of the French was fatal. While they were
still anchored off shore word was received that a British
fleet had sailed from New York. They soon appeared and
the French fleet immediately set all sail after them. Both
fleets quickly passed out of sight beyond the horizon. A
severe storm arose and the vessels became separated, all

A SHORT HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 87

being badly damaged by the wind and waves. No decisive
encounter occurred, and after several days a badly crippled
French fleet appeared in the harbor, but they soon set sail
for Boston to repair the damage done by the storm. In the
meantime the attack on Newport from the north by the
Americans failed and the British again were in unchal-
lenged possession of the town. Troops were again stationed
at the fortifications on Conanicut.

To give a comprehensive account of the part Jamestown
took in this period it would be necessary to follow the move-
ments of the American British and French forces. This
space forbids, but the foregoing gives an idea of the strate-
gic position of the island.

After having occupied the island for four years the Brit-
ish departed in 1779. The following winter was the most
severe ever experienced. So impoverished were the inhabi-
tants, they were compelled to call for outside assistance.

In July of the following year the French fleet, under
Admiral de Ternay came to Newport. The poverty-
stricken people did their best to make their stay pleasant,
but even with them there was source of complaint, as is
shown in the following entry in the town records for
August 19, 1780:

"It is Voted that Messrs. Benjamin Underwood, John Gardner, John
Weeden, Benjamin Remington, George Tew, & John Howland be a
committee and Prepare an Address to their Excellencies the Count de
Rochambeau and the Chavilier de Ternev commander of his most Chris-
tian majesties fleet in the harbour of Newport. Praying that the people
under his command might not be Permitted to come on shore without
some Good and Known officer over them in order to Restrain them from
Committing Damage or offering any injury or insult to the Good and
Peaceable People of this town."

And on June 29, 1 78 1 , it was necessary to make another
complaint as follows:

Jamestown at a town Meeting called and held in the said town.

June 29, A. D. 1781
"Whereas it is represented to this meeting that the Sailors belonging to
his most Christian Majesties fleet in the harbor of Newport, and those in

88 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

the hospitals in this town, frequently pass through the Meadows and fields
of Grain in the daytime, & in the Night Season are Patroling the town
throwing their fences & Walls down by which some of the Inhabitants has
received Greate Damage & more is likely to insue if not speedily
prevented.

It is Therefore Voted that Benjamin Underwood ix John Weeden be
appointed to prepare a Remonstrance petition or address to the Admiral
& General of the french Troop in the Land and Sea Service in behalf of
the town Praving that their Troops may be Restrained and Prevented
from passing through the lands and fields of Grain, throwing their Walls
and fences down or Doing Damage to the Good and Wholesome People
of the town: and that Aaron Sheffield be desired to Present the address to
the Admiral and General of the French Army and Navy."

After seven years of conflict the war was drawing to a
close. The French forces were to leave Newport and
co-operate with Lafayette in the south. General Washing-
ton desired to confer with the French Admiral and also to
witness the departure. He left his camp near New York
City, came up the old Indian trail through Connecticut to
South Ferry where he took the old sailboat ferry to James-
town, landing on the west shore of the island at about the
same place as the ferry now lands, in the early afternoon of
March sixth. Crossing the island he was met by the French
officers at the East Ferry, where the admiral's barge was
awaiting to convey him to the French war vessel "Due de
Bourgoyne," where he was received by Count Rochambeau.

In commemoration of this visit of our greatest citizen,
the local chapter of the I). A. R., during the Washington
Celebration last summer, placed a marker on the road,
which will be a reminder to all those now driving from
ferry to ferry that they are traveling the same road that
General Washington took when he crossed the island.

On October 19, 1781, Cornwallis surrendered at York-
town, and the war was over. During these years of conflict
there was a common purpose which bound the people
together, and there were few indeed who, either directly or
indirectly, had not taken a part in this struggle. But now
each person, each family, each community began to think
of their own condition. The spirit of nationalism disap-

A SHORT HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 89

peared with the British armies. The immediate struggle for
a livelihood was the great concern of all. There were the
few years of prosperous activity which always follow a
great war, but these were followed by a great financial
panic. Taxes were exorbitant and general conditions so bad
that thousands of farmers deserted their farms to start over
again in a new locality. The great movement to "go west"
had started. *

But no matter what the conditions were throughout the
country, Jamestown could have been no worse off than it
was, for Jamestown was not only ruined, it was practically
depopulated. Those who remained were farmers and their
only hope for a living was to get it out of the ground. This
they resolutely set out to do. Sheep provided meat and
wool, spinning wheels were always humming making yarn,
the hand looms wove blankets and the cloth which was cut
up and made into clothes. They also grew flax and wove
their own linens. Pigs provided hams, which were smoked
with corn-cobs and cured by hand, sausage, lard and mince
pies j apples were cut up and dried and also made into cider ;
geese provided meat and feathers for feather beds. The
milk house of an average farm in early winter would reveal
a side or two of beef and mutton, many bags of sausage,
tubs of butter and lard, bags of dried apples and a hundred
or more mince pies which, with the potatoes, turnips, car-
rots, cabbages and the barrel of cider in the cellar, had to
carry them through the winter. All the cooking was done in
an open fireplace or the brick oven, and sweeping was done
with turkey wings. The men spent their days cultivating
the fields, raising and harvesting the crops, tending the
cattle and chopping wood. The women prepared the meals,
tended the house, wove cloth, knitted stockings, made
clothes and found time to make samplers and do embroid-
ery. The evenings were illuminated by candles dipped or
moulded of mutton fat.

The farm seemed to provide everything except boots and
shoes. The itinerant shoe maker made his yearly visits and

90 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

stayed at the house while making the shoes. The following
bill covering one such visit is worthy of preservation:

To making your boots $2.00

To soling Mary .34

To making your youngest .29

To mending black girl . 1 6

To mending your son .2 1

To mending your wife .06

Such was the life on the average Jamestown farm for
four generations after the Revolutionary War. The only
market for farm produce was Newport, so as Newport
prospered, Jamestown had a little more real money with
which to buy things.

The next activity came with the Civil War. At this time
the 3rd Rhode Island Cavalry was encamped on the island
and barracks were built. After the war these were sold, and
A. Crawford Greene, of Providence, purchased one which
he used for a summer residence. In this humble way did
Jamestown start as a summer resort. Gradually others
came. Among the first from afar were several Quaker fam-
ilies from Philadelphia. Today, aside from a few farms at
the north and south ends of the island, Jamestown is a
summer resort. There are several hotels which provide for
those who prefer hotel life; cottages, large or small, can be
rented for the season; and there are many beautiful resi-
dences which have been built by those who are permanent
summer residents.

In the main the history of Jamestown follows the history
of New England, but it is the little things in life that make
for individuality, and so we find the intimate history of
Jamestown possessing an allurement all of its own.

(In printing this article, I wish to express my indebtedness to Miss
Lena Clarke, of famestown, for her untiring efforts in searching and
copying the original records.)

THE KING TOM HOUSE

Courtesy of Mr. J. H. Richardson

When the Society of the Colonial Dames published
Old Houses in the South County of Rhode Island,
no photograph of the King Tom house was located.
Since then Mr. Richardson has kindly contributed the
photograph which is printed above.

92 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Genealogical Notes

By Edward H. West
{Continued from page 6) )

WILLIAM POTTER

Since my discovery of Ann (Talman) Brayton's mar-
riage to William Potter, I have been searching out facts
about William Potter and find that the Durfee book and
Austin are both wrong, as there was but one William
Potter.

Austin gives two William Potters, one the husband of

Talman, the other the husband of Ann Durfee. He

presumes that Ann Potter was the daughter of Thomas
Durfee, as he left her a legacy.

In the will of Thomas Durfee, he calls his children either
son or daughter, but does not call Ann Potter daughter.
One must not forget that Thomas Durfee and Ann Talman,
the mother of Ann Durfee, were at least very great friends,
so he probably remembered Ann Potter as a favorite of his.

Austin also says that William and Ann ( Durfee ) Potter
sold land in 1697 to William Burrington and in 1720 he
deeded to William Potter, Jr., all his land in Portsmouth.

Let us see what the Land Evidence Book really says.

The first deed will not tell us anything as it was some
land that was granted to William Potter in 1694. In
March 1703-4 William and Ann Potter mortgaged to
Isaac Lawton the land that had belonged to Stephen Bray-
ton, dec, the first husband of Ann Talman. In 1713-4
William and Ann Potter quitclaimed to their son and son-
in-law, Stephen Brayton, the above mentioned land.

In 1707, Preserved Brayton sold to William Potter the
land that had been granted to Ann Potter, his mother, for
him, then a minor, in 1694. This was the 12 acres that
William Potter sold to William Potter, fr., in 1 720.

GENEALOGICAL NOTES 93

In 1721, William Potter, mariner, and wife, Prudence
Potter, mortgaged this same 12 acres to the Colony. In
1727, William Potter, mariner, and wife, Prudence, sold
this same land to William Earl.

In the original vital records, not the printed ones, is
^written: "Nathaniel Potter ( the son of William Potter and
Ann his wife ) was married to Ruth Manchester ( the
daughter of Stephen Manchester and Elizabeth his wife)
by William Coggeshall Ass't. 1712."

"The births of the children of the above said Nathaniel
Potter and Ruth his wife: — Elizabeth Potter born 2 May
1 713 j Ruth Potter born 1 4 October 1715."

"William Potter ( son of the above said William Potter
and Ann his wife ) was born 1 1 March 1 696."

The Durfee Book mentions the wills of John Fish and
his wife Joanna, recorded in 1 742 and 1 744, in which men-
tion is made of their daughter, Mary, the wife of William
Potter. These wills are not recorded in Portsmouth.

The marriage of William Potter and Prudence is

not recorded either. As he was a mariner, he may have
married her in some port at which he touched and brought
her to Portsmouth.

Who the Prudence Potter was that married John
Williams of Stonington, Conn., (Original Record) I have
not yet been able to discover.

An Unrecorded Marriage.

"William Hall & Benjamin Hall of Portsmouth

Testifyeth that at or about the 20th Day of August

1748, they were Present at the house of the sd

William Hall at Portsmouth, when Benjamin Turner, then
a Resident of Newport and a native of Great Britain, was
married unto Rebecca Tallman of Tiverton by Ben-
jamin Tucker Esq. then an Assistant .

The above Deposition was Sworn too before me this 5
Day of August 1 783." John Thurston, J.P.

(Town Council Records, VII - 55.)

(>4 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The Minutes of the Westconnaug Purchase

Transcribed by Theodore G. Foster
{Continued from fage 36)

At a Meeting of the Committee and Proprietors at War-
wick July 1 4th 1715 Whereas Thomas Field was admitted
a Share in Westquanaug at a Proprietors Meeting at
Kingston the 20th of February 1706/7 but he not then
accepting the said Admittance and not paying his proportion
of the Charge that hath accrued We declare the said Grant
to be void . . . Notwithstanding for some particular Serv-
ice he hath done the Proprietors We do now grant him half
a Lot joining upon N" 4 he paying his proportionable part
of the Charge that hath accrued ... It is agreed forth-
with to draw Lots for the First Division from N" 1. to 29
according to the Plat laid before us by Josiah Westcoat
Surveyor and the Lot that any Person shall draw the Divi-
sion on the Plat being of the same Number with his said Lot
shall be his Right and Property to improve as his Real

Estate to him and his Heirs forever —

And it is further Ordered that Such Person as shall
draw any of the Numbers 1 to 8 shall have their first choice
of the next Division of Lands in Westquanaug the Lot N"
12 to be included: Zachariah Rhodes Lot N" 29 is allowed
him as his Fathers share without drawing his Lot all the
Rest of the Lands not now called for shall be further
Divided among the Proprietors .... ordered by their
Trustees

At a Meeting of the Committee & Proprietors of West
quanaug at Warwick at the House of Mary Carder July
the 14th 1715

Ordered that the Proprietors come to a New Choice
of a Committee and Clerk and Treasurer who are Chosen
as followeth
/Viz/

THE WESTCONNAUG PURCHASE 95

COL SAMUEL CRANSTON

Major James Brown
Capt Benjamin Ellery

Job Greene Committee

Mayor Joseph Whipple
Mr Richard Waterman
Major Thomas Fenner
Job Greene Clerk and engaged

Major Thomas Fenner Treasurer
Voted that the committee shall have full Power to make
choice of a Surveyor to lay out the Remaining part of the
Purchase of Westquanauge and to proceed in that Affair as
soon as may be with convenience and to act and do any other
Business that they shall think needful for the Proprietors
Interest in the said Purchase

Voted That each whole Share Man shall pay unto Major
Thomas Fenner Treasurer Twenty Shillings apiece forth-
with towards paying the Charge of Surveying and other
incident Charges that may arise about the Premises and
each Man claiming a Smaller Share shall pay a proportion-
able Part accordingly

Whereas Thomas Weaver of Newport has sold half a
Share of Westquanaug without acquainting the Proprietors
or Trustees thereof and neglecting to pay his Proportion of
the incidental Charges he is directed to pay his Proportion
into the Hands of some one of the Trustees before the next
Meeting and then make his Acknowledgment and show
good Reason for his Breach of Covenant or else his Half
Share so Sold is to be forfeited to the Proprietors.

Signed per order Job Greene Clerk1"'"

At a Meeting of the committee of Westquanauge at the
House of Mrs. Mary Carder in Warwick October 29th
1717

Ordered That Mr Resolved Waterman is chosen a
committee Man in the Room and Place of Mr Joseph

96 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Whipple he having sold all his Interest in said Purchase
and Waterman having bought a Share in said Purchase

Providence May 28. 1718 Ordered that Capt Richard
Waterman shall be Treasurer in the Room of Major
Thomas Fenner Deceased and that he demand and receive
the Treasurer Money into his Hand of the Executor for the

Use of the Proprietors

Ordered That Capt Thomas Harris shall be a com-
mittee Man in the Place and Room of Major Fenner De-
ceased he having purchased Land in said Purchase

At a Meeting of the Committee of Westquanaug at
Providence May the 28th 1718.

Having received a Return of the Running and Re-
vising of the Lines between Between Providence and West-
quanaug and the Colony Line and Warwick Line by the
Persons appointed for that Purpose they having made
many Remarks in said Lines | illegible] in order for a fur-
ther Division whereupon it is jointly agreed on by the com-
mittee of the Main Land that there be a Second Division of
one Hundred and Fifty Acres at the least to | illegible \
whole share Man and Addition where the Land is mean to
make them equal with the best Land The Second Divi-
sion to be laid out to the Eastward of the colony Line and
it is ordered that Major Job Greene Capt Thomas Harris
and Ensign Resolved Waterman shall be overseers to see
the Work done and to agree with Josiah Westcoat Sur-
veyor to be the principal Surveyor in the Work and to
make a Map of it. Also the Trustees are to him sufficient
Help to compleat the Work and the whole Charge to be
paid by the Proprietors at the Drawing the Lots — And it
is further ordered that the Trustees may lay out a Third
Division to the Westward of the Colon) Line if they see
cause so to do adjoining to said Line

THE WESTCONNAUG PURCHASE 97

Committee

Job Greene

Thomas Harris

Richard Waterman

Resolved Waterman
Joshua Winsor is chosen a committee Man in the Room and
Stead of Resolved Waterman Deceased

pr Job Greene Clerk16a

At a Meeting of the Proprietors of Westquanaug at the
House of Mrs Mary Carder in Warwick November the
fourth 1718 . .

There being a Map presented by the Committee of
said Westquanaug of a Second Division within the Colony
Lines and one Division to the Westward of said Colony
Line to each Proprietor: — Ordered to draw Lots of said
Second Division according to former Order and also Unan-
imously agreed on to draw Lot for to the westward of the
Colony Line also both said Divisions were drawn accord-
ingly But there arising some Dispute between Nicholas
Carr and the Rest of the Grand Children of Gov1' Caleb
Carr of Newport Deceased about Carr's Right said Grand
Children claiming equal Right with said Nicholas Carr:
The Proprietors taking the Matter into Consideration have
ordered that Carr's Alotments shall be placed to the
original Right of said Gov1' Carr deceased

And it is also ordered that Fones's Lotments be placed
in the original Right of capt John Fones Deceased by the
free Consent of his Son John Fones — there having been
some dispute before the Proprietors about the same by
Fones's Son and Grand Children 16b

Ordered Whereas there was a Mistake in Greene's
Right in the Second Division That Lotment having no
orderly Draft with the Rest notwithstanding N°- 47 was
left undrawn for by Reason of the Said Mistake Therefore
It is Ordered that Major Job Green may take up the same
Number of Acres that is in N°- 47 in any part of the undi-
vided Land by Consent of the Committee off the Main
Land for himself and Brothers and Richards Daughters if

98 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

he do not like Number 4-7 and Number 47 to be laid down

to the Proprietors again

p Job Greene Clerk

Advertisement
These are to give Notice to all the Proprietors of the Land
known by the Name of Westquanaug within the Jurisdic-
tion of Scituate"" in the County of Providence in the Col-
on)- of Rhode Island &c to meet together on the First Tues-
day of July next which will be the second Day of said
Month at the House of Mrs Mary Carder in Warwick in
said County in order to hear the Proceedings of the Com-
mittee in Laying out said Land and to receive from the
Surveyor the PLAT of the Several Divisions of said Land
and to pay the Several incidental Charges which have ac-
crued from the Last Meeting of said Proprietors and to act
and Do any other Business that the said Proprietors shall
think needful about the Premises

Warwick June the 7th 1 734 By order of the Committee
per Mr Job Greene Clerk of said Proprietors

"Joseph Fry of Newport sold to Stephen Eastern of Newport the half
part of a share or sixtieth part of the Westquanoag Purchase, May 31,
1716. (R. I. Land Ev. Ill, 243.)

";a()n lime 9, 1718, John Rhodes of Warwick sold to John Turner a
half share of the "Westquodnaig11 purchase which was half of a partner-
ship "with my uncle Peleg Rhodes." (Prov. Deeds, IV, 72.)

l0bCapt. John Fones in his will Feb. 14, 1703, left one half of his
Westconnaug purchase to his son John, and divided the other half between
his son Samuel and his grandson Fones Greene. (N. Ki. Wills.)

11 On Feb. 20, 1730-1 the Town of Scituate was incorporated. All of
the Westconnaug Purchase that was within Rhode Island was included
in Scituate.

Heraldic Notes

MALBONE

Antiques for February 1933, contains an illustration of
a si her mug engraved with a coat-of-arms and the words
Godfrey Malbone, 1742. This mug is now owned by the

HERALDIC NOTES

Reverend Malbone H. Birckhead of Wynnewood, Penna.
The arms are an impaled coat, or two bendlets corn-pony
gules and ermine for Malbone impaling argent on a jess
between three Catherine wheels as many lambs passant,
for Scott. The color of the wheels and lambs is not dis-
cernible in the illustration.

Silver mug which belonged to Godfrey Malbone of Newport.
It is owned by the Rev. Malbone H. Birckhead.

Courtesy of "Antiques"

E. Alfred Jones in Antiques describes the Malbone arms
as Or two bendlets gobony ermine and gules and adds that
"The arms of Malbone were granted in 1683 to George
Malbon of Bradley in the county of Chester." Burke does
not give this coat but gives Or two bends gobonated argent
and gules. Ormerod in his History of Chester, III, 318,
states that the ancient arms of the Malbons of Bradeley
Hall, Or two bendlets componi argent and gules "were dis-

100

KHODK ISLAM) H I STORICAL SOCIETY

allowed by Dugdale in the visitation of 1663-4." The
change from argent to ermine may have been for difference
or more probably someone mistook diapering for ermine and
so accidently made a differenced coat. The impaled arms
are those of Scott and as Godfrey Malbone married
Catherine Scott in 1719, the arms clearly represent this
marriage and are the arms of Malbone impaling Scott,
which would of course be the arms of Godfrey Malbone,
Senior.

SCOTT

The arms of Scott, as engraved on the silver mug, are
the same as those of Thomas Scott of Great Barr, in Staf-
fordshire, as illustrated on page 299 of the 1 724 edition'1
of Guillim's Display of Heraldry. In the text these arms
are given as Argent on a fess gules, cottised azure, three
lambs of the first, bet-ween as many katherine-wheels sable,
but in the illustration the cottises are omitted. Dr. Bow-
ditch suggests that the engraver may have merely turned
to Guillim for a Scott coat, found that of Scott of Great
Barr, Staffordshire, and then, overlooking the cottises in
the description, copied Guillim's wood-cut. He may have
shaded the fess for artistic effect.

The Catharine Scott who was married to Godfrey Mal-
bone in 1719, was the daughter of John Scott and Eliza-
beth Wanton,'"' and so granddaughter'" of John Scott and
great-granddaughter of Richard Scott of Providence.

Mm. In edition of 1679. '-'#. /. Hist. Tracts 3, pages 1+ and 17.
^Austin Gen. Diet, of R. /.. pjwjes 21 5, 372 and 373.

Form of Legacy

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island
Historical Society the sum of
dollars. "

Kix.i-r Williams Press rVJL^

E. A. Johnson Co.

PKOVIDI N< I

Rhode Island

Historical Society
Collections

Vol. XXVI

OCTOBER, 1933

No. 4

,' Oct

'***■

COLONEL WILLIAM BARTON S SWORDS

The upper one is the dress sword presented by Congress to Colonel Barton,
and the lower one is Colonel Barton's service sword.

These swords were recently f resented to the
Society by James A. Barton and George C. Barton,
great-great-grandsons of Colonel Barton,

Issued Quarterly

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island

CONTENTS

PAGE

Colonel Barton's Swords ..... Cover

Roger Williams

by Michael Freund

translated by James Ernst . . . . 101

Queen's Fort . . . . . . . 133

Notes 133

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . . 134

Bark Newport . . . . . . 135

Fort Flags . . . . . . . 136

RHODE
HISTORICAL

ISLAND

SOCIETY

COLLECTIONS

Vol. XXVI

OCTOBER, 1933

No. 4

William Davis Miller, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.

Roger Williams, Apostle of Complete
Religious Liberty

By Michael Freund
Translated by James Ernst

With special 'permission of the copyright owner

Translator's Note

In Der Idee Der Toleranz Im England Der Gross en
Revolution, published in 1927, Michael Freund presents
a painstaking study of the historical development of the
idea of toleration in England, and especially its many-
sided expressions during the Civil War from 1 642 to 1 648.
The study was prepared under the direction of the Faculty
of Philosophy of the University of Munich, after a year of
research in the British Museum, London, and deserves,
therefore, more than a passing notice from those interested

102 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

in Roger Williams and his ideas. Freund gives Williams
a place of importance second to none of the twenty-four
Englishmen, from Sir Thomas More to Sir Henry Vane,
whose writings are analyzed and whose philosophy of
toleration is critically examined. Only the poet John
Milton is given a greater number of pages in a discussion
of his ideas of toleration, than are given to Williams ; while
such famous political thinkers as John Goodwin, Dr. Owen,
James Harrington and Sir Henry Vane are accorded fewer
pages each than are devoted to him.

This original and highly provocative analysis of the
ideas of Williams on toleration and religious liberty must,
however, be read with caution, for Freund was misled
when he trusted so implicitly the biographies of Williams
then available. I shall suggest only a few of the corrections
necessary. ( 1 ) Williams is wrongly grouped with the
Anabaptist thinkers. His contemporaries in England and
New England recognized him as an Independent, and
Freund should have grouped Williams with Dr. Owen,
John Goodwin and the poet Milton. ( 2 ) His religious views
were not of "baptisticher natur" at any time. Williams
had become a Seeker in August, 1635. It was customary
in the 1 7th century to call all who dissented from the
established religions, "Anabaptists", in the same way as
today in America all social radicals and political dissenters
are called "Reds" and "Communists." ( 3 ) He agreed that
the "reason of the law" is more important than the "will
of the law." (4) He rejected the contemporary view of
toleration and demanded "absolute soul-liberty" in reli-
gious matters. ( 5 ) Within fixed constitutional limits, Wil-
liams held that the power of the state, as representative
of the majority of the people, ought to be absolute in civil
things. Legal and just punishment of offenders against
the civil laws he designated as "prosecution" as distinct
from "persecution." ( 6 ) He held the state ought to give
permission and protection to the "bodies and goods" of the
churches and church-members, whether true or false, in

ROGER WILLIAMS 103

their civil relations, and that the churches ought to obey
the civil laws and pray for the safety and welfare of the
state, though pagan. (7) He was a Biblicist and not a
Calvinist, after 1630. And although he took some of his
ideas from John Calvin and Martin Luther, he never
hesitated to disagree with each of them in certain matters.
For example, he held to Luther's doctrines of Free-Grace
and of conditional Election because he believed they were
Pauline and Biblical.' (8) Freund does not attempt to
develop fully Williams' doctrines of government by the
"free consent of the People" and the Rights of Man. These
he discusses only as they relate to the idea of absolute
toleration. (9 ) Nor does Freund bring out the close rela-
tion of Seekerism and the scientific movement of the 1 7th
century with Williams' doctrine of religious liberty.

With these preliminary remarks as a guide, we are ready
to begin the essay by Michael Freund: {Der Idee Der
Toleranz. Halle, 1927. Pp. 241-268.)

Translation

The ripest fruit of the Baptist literature of Toleration
is the work on Tolerance by Roger Williams. The tolera-
tion-idea of Williams found its most significant expression
in his work entitled The Bloudy Tenent of Persecution,
but received, to be sure, further elucidation and exposition
m his other writings. ( Queries of Highest Consideration,
(1664). Edited by R. A. Guild, N. C, P., Vol. II. The
Bloody Tenent Yet More Bloody, (1652). Edited by
S. L. Caldwell, N. C. P., Vol. IV. A well-rounded portrait
of his mind and character is given in the collected letters
which J. R. Bartlett arranged and entitled The Letters
of Roger Williams, N. C. P., Vol. VI.) W7illiams suffered
persecution upon his own person. In 1631 he had come
to New England, and soon thereafter was called to be the
Teacher at Salem. His opinions brought him into sharp
opposition to the church and state in New England, and

104 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

finally caused his banishment out of the colonies. (The
exact causes of his banishment are in controversy: his
opinions about tolerance — as the customary view main-
tains— indeed scarcely stand in the foreground. His doubt of
the legality of the Patent of the colony, which according to
his conception gave over illegally to foreign ownership
the land of the Indian and his demand for a radical separa-
tion from the Anglican church stirred up a more vehement
opposition than his conception of the relation of the state
and church. The entire question is fully discussed by
J. L. Diman in his introduction to John Cotton's Answer to
Roger Williams, N. C. P., Vol. II. This discussion centers
chiefly on the question of "rigid separation" and contributes
also to clarify their controversy. ) In the midst of a winter
snowstorm — as he himself has often pathetically described
— he was forced to seek for himself a new homestead. In
1636 he founded Providence, a new colony, upon his own
land which he purchased from the Indian tribe. The mem-
bers of the new colony promised to submit themselves to
the majority in all matters: but only in civil things. Vane
helped him to procure the charter for the colony. In 1 643,
because of disputes among the [New England] colonies,
Williams went to London in order to obtain the authority
for the settling of some of these disputes. The religious-
political war then going on in England stimulated him
into carrying forward a definitive discussion of his con-
troversy with Cotton, his Puritan antagonist in New Eng-
land. In this way originated, in 1644, The Bloudy Tenent,
to which later on there was connected a lively controversy.
The deliberations of the Westminster Assembly, ( Trans-
lator's Note: The Westminster Assembly, composed of 120
Puritan and Scotch Presbyterian clergymen, was created in
the summer of 1 643 to assist Parliament in preparing a uni-
form system of church Order and polity. It was continu-
ously in session without accomplishing any important matter
until dismissed by Cromwell through Parliament in 1 649 )
and in connection with it the joint publication of a pamphlet

ROGER WILLIAMS 105

by the Independent members, ( Transl. Note: Apologeticall
Narration, ( 1644) by The Five Dissenting Brethren.
British Museum ) called forth his Queries of Highest Con-
sideration. His religious views were of "baptisticher
Natur", but he finally separated himself from every reli-
gious association and passed his last days as a solitary
"Seeker". America honors in him one of her greatest
minds. „

As previously stated, TheBloudy Tenent of Persecutions
a discussion with Cotton, who defended a relative-toleration
position and whose opinions were in need of a clearer repre-
sentation, wherewith Williams sets forth the historical sig-
nificance of the idea in its true light. ( Of course, Williams
presents to Cotton also his opinions concerning "The Model
of Church and Civil Power" of the New England churches,
of which Cotton later on denies his co-authorship. ) Cotton,
as we shall see, also divided the spheres of state and church
rather strictly: both have their own End, their own duties,
and their own functions. Over the church stands God as
the only Law-giver. The members of the church, as such,
have no right to challenge the state-authority by offering
any resistance against it. Insofar as opposition to the civil
power is permitted, it is exercised by the church-members
as members of the state and not as members of the church.
Man does not live in society and the state as a religious
being. Although both authorities are clearly separated
from one another, they are not independent of one another:
they are inseparably intangled one with the other; they
grow and blossom together, and perish together. The
decline of the state, says Cotton, has always been a sequel
to the decay of the church. {Bloudy Tenent of Persecu-
tion, p. 191. Freund uses the edition of the Hanserd
Knollys Society edited by Edward Bean Underhill.
London, 1 848. ) The church educates the people to become
good subjects and perfect members of society. State and
church are mutually bound to govern and support each
other. When the church disintegrates the state must re-

106 RHODE ISLAM) H ISTORICAL SOCIETY

form it j and when the state strays from the path of justice,
the church must lead it back onto the right course: therefore,
one state, one church. Just as tolerant as the church ought
to be to those within her own bosom, so little is an organized
community able to tolerate different churches and sects
side by side. "For our tolerating many religions in a state
in several churches, besides the provoking of God, may in
time not only corrupt, leaven, divide, and so destroy the
peace of the churches, but also dissolve the continuity of
the state, especially ours, whose walls are made of the
stones of the churches, it being also contrary to the end of
our planting in this part of the world, which was not only
to enjoy the pure ordinances, but to enjoy them all in
purity." ( Bloudy Tenent, p. 240. ) The church must,
however, practice toleration in things not fundamental.
Even in the sphere of the liturgy, she ought and must
grant diversity and variety of forms. The principle must
be one of unity and not uniformity. In things fundamental,
however, which are so public and clear that only base desire
opposes them, no tolerance dare be shown. After proper
admonition, the church hands the heretic over to the state
which may then deliver him to the executioner. Cotton
also reiterates here in essentials the toleration-program of
the sons of the Renaissance: that ideal of "Comprehen-
sion" which influenced Taylor (Transl. Note: Taylor,
Jeremy, ( 1613-1667) Liberty of Prophesying, 1 649 ) and
Chillingworth (Transl. Note: Chillingworth, William,
(1602-1644), The Religon of Protestants a Safe Way of
Salvation, 1638) to foster the idea of tolerance, also in-
fluenced Williams' The Bloudy Tenent.

Sovereignty — which brings the opinions of Cotton in
repeated collision with the idea of toleration and especially
with the theory of the Rights of Man — is placed by Cotton
under absolutely fixed limits and rules. The state has no
authority to consider private morals. It has, moreover, no
authority to judge in disputes between children and par-
ents, and servants and masters. Matters of private morals

ROGER WILLIAMS 107

come under the competence of the church which settles
disputes between members of the family and between serv-
ants and masters: "Domestic evils are best healed in a
domestic way." {Bloody Tenent Yet More Bloody,
p. 284.) Only upon a request from the church may the
state interpose its authority in this sphere of social life.
More serious, however, is the limitation on the principle
of the state's authority. The power of the state originates
through the transfer or the rights and power of individuals
to the highest civil authority ; the people are, moreover, on
this earth only the stewards of God and may not transfer
this right and authority as they please. "And because the
Word is a perfect rule, as well of righteousness as of holi-
ness, it will be therefore necessary that neither the people
give consent, nor that the magistrate takes power to dis-
pose of the bodies, goods, lands, liberties of the people,
but according to the laws and rules of the Word of God."
{Bloudy Tenent, p. 219. ) The civil authority may impose
nothing by virtue of its authority alone ; it is obliged, "to
show the reason, not only the will." {Ibid. p. 220.) Nor
may the state control and regulate "indifferent" matters,
unless it has cogent reasons to give for such action. Not
the state but divine truth creates the social right. This
divine truth is indeed a "perfect rule," compulsory and
unequivocal, and can therefore dispense with the interpret-
ing power. Cotton recognizes the viewpoint of Hobbes.
(Transl. Note: Hobbes, Thomas, ( 1588-1679 ) see Works)
as the hostile principle opposed to his world of ideas which
he restates in similar words and vigorously attacks: "Au-
toritas, non Veritas facit legem." "He hath no power to
make any such laws about indifferent things, wherein noth-
ing good or evil is shown to the people, but only on prin-
cipally the mere authority or will of the imposer for the
observance of them." {Ibid. p. 220.) "The will of no
man is regula recti, unless it be regula recta." {Ibid.
p. 220) Not the will of the law-giver but the reason of the
law must be the plumbline of the human conscience. Not

108 RHODK ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

the authority of the supreme power, but the "Reason" of
the law hinds: "Ratio est rex legis et lex rex regis." (Ibid.
p. 221.) . . .

Williams carries out the division between worldly and
religious affairs much more sharply, consistently and radi-
cally than does Cotton. The separation is so thoroughly
carried out that no bridges may lead across to reunite the
two worlds. The two worlds, the spiritual and the civil,
can no longer lay claims to each other. With this con-
ception it is not possible to stretch a connecting-line across
(from the spiritual world) to the Rights of Man . . .
According to the conception of Williams, in contrast to
that of Cotton, the two worlds are in themselves sovereign
and do not mutually limit each other, since they exist on
two such entirely different levels that they are completely
separated.

For this reason Williams lays the stress upon it to indi-
cate his intrinsic conclusion — the real self-sufficiency of the
civil and social world. State and society are natural powers,
forms and creations of nature. ( Just for that reason, they
are not comprehensible and conceivable through the doc-
trine of rights, because they in fact discard the spiritual
"Existenz" to which rights alone are able to appeal. ) In
the blood relationship of families exists the prototype of
states and, as people increase and propagate themselves
independently and beyond religion of all kinds, so they in
time also agree to form social combinations. "If none but
true Christians, members of Christ Jesus, might be civil
magistrates, and publicly entrusted with civil affairs, then
none but members of churches, Christians, should be hus-
bands of wives, fathers of children, masters of servants. But
against this doctrine the whole creation, the whole world,
may justly rise up in arms, as not only contrary to true
piety, but common humanity itself." (Bloudy Tenent,
p. 285. ) "Magistracy is of God, but yet no otherwise than
marriage is, being an estate merely civil and humane and
lawful to all nations of the world." (Bloody Tenent Yet

ROGER WILLIAMS 109

More Bloody, p. 282. ) Each state is legitimate just as life
and nature are legitimate. Man is by nature a social crea-
ture, and enters social relationships long before he awakens
to religion. "We shall find lawful civil states, both before
and since Christ, in which we find not any tidings of the
true God or Christ." (Bloudy Tenent, p. 247.) There
is "a civil ministry, or office, merely human and civil, which
men agree to constitute, called therefore a human creation,
and is true and lawful in those nations, cities, kingdoms,
etc., which never heard of the true God, nor his holy Son
Jesus, as in any part of the world besides, where the name
of Jesus is most taken up." {Ibid. p. 132. )

Society and state are integral wherever religious-liberty
prevails in the entire state. The civil state is in itself entire
and competent, "which compactness may be found in many
towns and cities of the world where yet has not shined any
spiritual or" supernatural goodness." (Ibid. p. 211.) All
over the world with its thousand-fold religious differences,
the object, nature and origin of the civil authority is always
the same. The origin is everywhere the choice and free
consent of the people, and the object, the well being of the
members or the safety of the people in property and life.
The state transcends religion. It receives from religion
no enhancement of its authority, no more than is added to
our animal life by our Christian confession. There is no
longer any Christian state, but only purely a civil state.
The state having developed into a pure "Existence form"
and into a perfect abstraction has freed itself of all foreign
accretions. "The civil nature of the magistrate we have
proved to receive no addition of power from the magis-
trate being a Christian, no more than it receives diminution
from his not being a Christian, even as the commonweal is
a true commonweal, although it have not heard of Chris-
tianity." (Ibid.p.304-.)

If the Christian state had the right of persecution, then
this right would not be merely peculiar to the Christian
state but to the state in the abstract. When the Christian

110 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

state also imputes to itself the right of persecution, then it
approves this right to all the states of the world. That
would have a rather ominous effect upon the Christian
religion; for of thirty parts of the world, twenty-five are
non-Christian. {Bloody Tenent Yet Mors Bloody, p. 161. )
"And if so — that the magistrates receive their power of
g erning the church from the people — undeniably it
follows, that a people, as a people, naturally considered of
what nature or nation soever in Europe, Asia, Africa, or
America, have fundamentally and originally as men, a
power to govern the church, to see her do her duty, to
correct her, to redress, reform, establish, etc." ( Bloudy
Tenent, p. 215. )

Interestingly, the idea of the essential equality of all
states and the identity of the efficacy of all states re-enforces
the democratic woof in the thought of Williams. For
Williams, the state is not an independent principle, but a
function of society and an organ of the "Nation", insofar
as Williams understands it. Before the states there were
the "Nations'1 — "Nations" which as phenomena of the
natural world are essentially alike. "If the magistrate has
received any such charge or commission from God in
spiritual things, doubtless, as before, the people have re-
ceived it originally and fundamentally as they are a peo-
ple. ( Bloody Tenent Yet More Bloody, p. 1 89. ) There is
no right and no essence in the state which does not rest in
the people. No group of people have, however, more rights
than any other, as Williams viewed the people in a nature -
rightly, unhistorical being. "Primarily and fundamentally
they are the civil magistrate." [Ibid. p. 210. The sover-
eignty of the "Nations" implies, however, the sovereignty
of the world. In the state the many govern inseparably;
only a few are, however, elected. The state which Williams
alone recognizes, the democratic state, can neither be the
sovereignty of the Saints nor supply the place of religious
authority. The sovereignty of the state over religion must,
moreover, always imply anti-religious sovereignty, at least

ROGEK WILLIAMS HI

a-religious force over religious matters, always a foreign-
authority over the church of God . . .)

The internal detachment of the state from religion signi-
fies especially for Williams the self-sufficiency of the state,
the organization of the phenomenon "state" in its "ideal-
typichen" purity. The mingling of state and church implies
as well the negation of Christendom, as of the state: "It
denies the principle of Christianity and civility." ' ( Bloudy
Tenent, p. 2.) The state burdened with religious duties
and compassed with religious regulations is not a perfect
state: (With this one may compare Karl Marx: "The so-
called Christian state is an imperfect state and the Chris-
tian religion is permitted by the state as a complement and
as a sanctification of its civil imperfection. The state is in
this instance "Theologe ex professo", not yet state as a
"state." Zur Judenjrage. ) Persecution, therefore, is an
inimical state principle: a "body-killing, soul-killing, state-
killing doctrine." ( Bloudy Tenent, p. 378. ) It unites the
legitimate civil relations which have at least according to
Williams their origin in natural circumstances, on the condi-
tion of fixed religious qualifications, and denies them at the
same time as their own rights. (Williams perceived in the
principle of persecution not merely the negation of the state,
but according to his state-theory a denial of the natural
existence of mankind, of "nature," and the "world." Per-
secution demands of the "world" the religious proof of the
"right to life," and denies thereby its right to existence in
itself. For Williams, therefore, intolerance is the all-de-
stroying power. ) And so the taking-over of the function by
the state is "a breach of civility." (Bloudy Tenent, p. 49.)
It adds a foreign element to the state, turns it into a "six-
fingered monster," {Bloody Tenent Yet More Bloody, p.
454) and cripples it thereby. Intolerance is therefore
"opposite to the very essentials and fundamentals of the
nature of a civil magistrate." {Queries of Highest Con-
sideration, p. 35.) By means of it is "civil society plucked
up by the roots." (Bloody Tenent Yet More Bloody,

112 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

p. 207.) Persecution is "dangerously destructive to the
verv roots ... of any civil being of the world itself."
{Ibid. p. 238.)

Thus the state exists in itself and is set free in every
way from all fixed duties concerning religious matters. It
exists instead as a civil state, and only as a civil state. I Ipon
it God's people have no claims. "It is plausible, but not
reasonable, that God's people should, considering the drift
of these positions, expect more liberty under a Christian
than under a heathen magistrate." (Bloudy Tenent,
p. 340. ) The state may deliver none of its essence or its
functions over to religion. "Peace" says to "Truth," this
pamphlet is in the form of a dialogue between Peace and
Truth: "I know you would not take from Caesar ought,
although it were to give to God." (Ibid., p. 294. ) The
state is entirely withdrawn from any religious authority.
As a "Stuck Natur," according to its inner essence, the state
is incapable of responding in general to the claims of re-
ligion; for that purpose it is without an "organ." It is a
dead thing, soulless, unspiritual: "Spiritual cannot reach to
artificial or civil." {Ibid. p. 247.) Cotton had made it
clear that the walls of the New England states were built
out of the stones of the church, to which Williams replied:
"The walls of earth or stone about a city, are the natural
or artificial wall or defence of it." ( Ibid. p. 246. ) Only
the "natural" can protect the "natural." Only the natural
can operate upon the state which is without an "organ"
for the commands and claims of religious matters. Christ
has never made any promises to the state. "It pleased not
the Lord Jesus to give by himself or his apostles to the
civil magistrates, king or governor, any particular rules
or directions concerning their behaviour or carriage in civil
magistracy, as they have done expressly concerning the
duty of fathers, mothers, children, masters, servants, yea,
and of subjects toward magistrates." (Ibid. p. 85.) The
words to Peter to put his sword into the sheath are directed
to the church of Christ and not to the state which for that

ROGER WILLIAMS 113

reason retains the power over life and death. The sword is
also not to be drawn in defence of religion, especially when
it is endangered. {Ibid. p. 360.)

The need of releasing the states from religious rule is
especially manifest in the impetuous slaughtering of the
religious wars. Williams speaks sorrowfully "of the
nations and peoples slaughtering each other for their
several respective religions and consciences." (Ibid. p. 37.)
The decline of the religious wars is largely owing to the
more temperate adherents of the idea of toleration. The
"Politisierung of Politik" had indeed already made such
advances that it was possible even to subordinate foreign-
politics to the End of religious propaganda. Especially is
this true of Cromwell's very Protestant-tinged foreign
politics which is, to be sure, always only a device to interfere
for tolerance and the protection of the menaced Protestant
interests, and only set up as his aim in the conquest of Ireland
(according to his idealogy ) an extension of the Protestant
religion by force of arms. Milton had expressly restricted
the hindrance of the Catholic faith, which he promoted,
to national boundaries. The extension of Catholics, he
held, must be obstructed: "I mean in our natives and not
foreigners, privileged by the laws of nations." ( Of True
Religion, Heresy , and Schism, p. 1 42. ) Cotton also refuses
to permit his relative-tolerance to reach beyond the state:
"It becomes not the spirit of the gospel to convert aliens
to the faith . . . with fire and brimstone." {Bloudy Tenent,
p. 106.)

Williams viewed the religious wars, however, as the in-
evitable consequence of the "bloodie tenent." Seldom does
persecution halt at the national boundaries. And why should
it? The duty to root out the heretic extends out beyond
national borders. And whoever believes in this duty, "must
needs force on and press after an universal conquest of all
consciences, and under that ( like those bloody Spaniards,
Turkes and Popes ) lay under their fair cloak, the rule and
dominion over all the nations of the earth." {Bloody

114 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Tenent Yet More Bloody, p. 337. ) Characteristic of Wil-
liams is his repeated warning and fear of it that intolerance
in this religious conquest may in turn consider itself as a sov-
ereign power of a world kingdom. What slaughter must
then follow after this principle of intolerance if all the mil-
lions of heretics should be put to death? ( Ibid. pp. 288,337.
Queries of Highest Consideration, p. 27.) Williams
always kept the world situation of religion constantly in
view. Intolerance must involve the Christian state in a mad
war against the whole world, and by it constantly threaten
mankind by plunging all the nations in a war among one
another. Back of intolerance lurks continually a world con-
flagration. The intolerance of Queen Elizabeth had almost
set the whole world in flames. ( Bloody Tenent Yet More
Bloody, p. 350.)

From the basic concept of W7illiams, moreover, there
follows not only peace for the "Christian" states with the
heathen world around them, but also the inner justifica-
tion of the heathen states as the proving ground and as the
rulers of the Saints. All spiritual restraints are cleared away
from economic and civil-social associations. The children
of God may turn to the pagan states to obtain from them
justice in social-civil matters. As members of society they
may have traffic with pagans, Jews and Turks. Paul —
Williams maintains — shows by his appeal to Caesar the
legality of having civil intercourse with such persons ( idol-
ators), with whom it is not permitted to have any inter-
course in spiritual matters: "secretly foretelling that mag-
istrates and people, whole states and kingdoms, should be
idolatrous and anti-Christian, yet with whom, notwith-
standing, the Saints and churches of God might lawfully
cohabit, and hold civil commerce and conversation."
( Bloudy Tenent , p. 88. ) "And, in that sense, who doubts
but God's people may appeal to the Roman Caesar, an
Egyptian Pharaoh, a Philistian Abimelech, an Assyrian
Nebuchadnezzar, the great Mogul, Prester John, the great
Turk, or an Indian Sachemr" ( Ibid. p. 130. ) The expan-

ROGER WILLIAMS 115

sion of the geographical horizon has perhaps influenced the
conception of this idea; the public inclusion of non-Chris-
tian powers in the play of politics, and the requirement of a
pacific English-colonial penetration made possible later on
to draw from it its "Legitimierung." With it colonial
politics could throw many an ideological ballast overboard.

As a natural structure, the state stands also beyond good
and evil. It can do e.vil in order to prevent greater evils,
"as for instance, in the civil state, usuary, for the prevent-
ing of a greater evil in the civil body, as stealing, robbing,
murdering, perishing of the poor, and the hindrance, or
stop, of commerce and dealings in the Commonwealth."
(Bloudy Tenentyp. 139.)

The questions of conscience are generally separated from
the social life in a moral sense. The people have indeed no
longer any relation in and to the state as religious beings;
their action in the civil state is also no longer a question of
spiritual judgment of conscience. Therefore the social ac-
tion may not be involved in the sphere of those actions
which flow out of human conscience. As soon as the state
appears in religious drapery, then either one must subscribe
to the state unfailingly, "or else there are no lawful king-
doms, cities, or towns in the world, in which a man may
live, and unto whose civil government he may submit;
and then, as I said before, there must be no world, nor is
it lawful to live in it, because it hath not a true discern-
ing spirit to judge them that fear or not fear God." (Ibid.
p. 1 84. ) From it results the penetrating power of the civil
order, so that all scruples of conscience are taken over by
it from the subjects of the state.

However, Williams also eliminates the question of con-
science in another sense: in social life there dare be no pos-
sibility of appealing upon restraint of conscience as the basis
for disobeying any civil laws; in the state those actions will
be punished, which result from the impulse of conscience,
if they affect the civil peace and order. ( Bloody Tenent
Yet More Bloody ', p. 88.) Williams could say with Selden,

116 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

(Transl. Note: Selden, John, ( 1584-1654) Puritan, mem-
ber of Parliament, jurist and publicist) man may not be
permitted "to pretend conscience against law." Because
Society is changed by spiritual crises of liberated relation-
ships an externally regulated "Komplex" — "Soulless,"
"Conscienceless" — for that reason the development of
liberty of conscience into common Rights of Man has
hitherto been frustrated. However, the theory of the Rights
of Man proceeds on the basis of the acknowledgment of a
"social conscience." Of it Williams like Selden feared that
the revolt against all social order would borrow thereby a
protecting-shield. In opposition to the conscience of the
individual, he postulates a higher right, "The Conscience
of the State": "The conscience of the magistrate must
incite him to civil punishment, as a Lord Mayor of London
once answered, that he was born to be a judge when a thief
pleaded that he was born to be a thief." ( Ibid. p. 143. )

The position of Williams on the question of the perse-
cuting state seems at first glance a wavering one. On the
one hand, there is held forth the idea of absolute subjection.
The persecuting state exists as a civil state in its unshaken
right whenever it deals with civil and social matters. Perse-
cution is only to be kept off from interference with the soul
(Bloudy Tenent,p. 304.) (Transl. Note: Williams made
this distinction: to punish for religious opinions is persecu-
tion; but the civil state may punish for civil offences which
he calls prosecution. ) On the other hand, persecution
appears as much the dissolving factor of social relations as
the enemy of society, so that this right to take steps for its
own preservation should not be granted to society. Thus
Williams justifies the English Revolution as a rebellion
against persecution. Indeed, at the very outset Williams
takes up the right of the "civil magistrate" to execute ven-
geance on tyranny. ( Queries of Highest Consideration,
p. 26.) The same "civil magistrate" who under circum-
stances is able to be the revolutionary "magistrate" of rank,
has the right to draw the sword against the persecutor. ( The

ROGER WILLIAMS 117

Bloody Tenent Yet More Bloody, pp. 1 95, 204, 320.) "All
persecutors of all sorts ought by the civil sword to be re-
strainted and punished as the destroyers of mankind and
all civil and peaceable beings in the world according to the
light of their cruel and murderous oppressions." {Ibid. p.
481.) So in this also quietistic resignation is condemned.

Through the separation of the church from the civil
state, Williams hopes to arrive at an emphasis of the proper
civil functions, and, as it were, to direct for its social pur-
pose the surplus power which becomes free for the state
through the abandonment of its religious duties. Cotton
had taken the matters of dispute between members of the
family and masters and servants away from the judgment
and sentence of the state: and the existing patriarchal order
of society placed, in fact, even the workingman under the
family-discipline and family-right. The withdrawing of
authority to judge over disputes within the family had to
receive a tremendously significant place in the regulation
of the state in the social development. And Williams re-
proaches Cotton: "I observe, furthermore, how they (the
doctrines of Cotton) take away from the magistrate that
which is his proper cognizance, as the complaints of serv-
ants, children, wives, against their parents, masters, hus-
bands, etc. Families as families, being as stones which make
up the common building, and are properly the object of
the magistrate's care in respect of civil government, civil
order, and obedience." (Bloudy Tenent, p. 134.) "To
whom should the servant or child or wife petition or com-
plain against oppression unless to the public father, master
and husband of the Commonweal." (Bloody Tenent Yet
More Bloody, p. 284.) In this the civil order of Williams
is more nearly like a patriarchal civil-being, than the civil
"laisser faire, laisser aller" of the Rights of Man. Cotton
mentions in addition to the "Komprehension" within the
church, also a word for the toleration of lesser evils within
the state. Williams excludes toleration in the latter as
well as in the former. {Ibid. pp. 108, 138. ) His civil state

118 RHODK ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOlTKTY

plunges — freed from impeding admixtures — with unceas-
ing aggression into its duties and labors. Williams com-
plains vigorously that the "Model of Church and Civil
Power" which the New England churches worked out,
even in the spirit of confining civil authority, prohibits the
civil state from punishing expressed evils: "so they take
away and disrobe him of that authority, which God has
clothed him with." {Ibid. p. 284. At the same time he
refers to the indications of prosperity which the economic
life of the nations experiences because of toleration. Wil-
liams repeatedly applies the example of Holland to this
thesis: the weakening of the economic power of countries is
emphasized by their persecutions. )

"Heathen" states are not only legitimate and lawful, but
their civil efficacy, the success of their commonweales,
suffers no diminution through the heathen nature. The
Christian religion can not claim any right over the well-
being of the commonweale: according to the nature of re-
ligion any influence upon the affairs of Nature is forbidden
her. States with corrupt religions enjoy prosperity and
well-being. Williams declares that he could not well be-
lieve it when Cotton says, "that outward civil peace cannot
stand where religion is corrupt. When so many stately
kingdoms and governments in the world have long and
long enjoyed civil peace and quiet, notwithstanding that
religion is so corrupt, as that there is not the very name of
Jesus Christ among them." (Bloudy Tenenty p. 216.) It
were an exceedingly dangerous opinion, namely, that the
social and spiritual beings, the state and the church, "are
like Hypocrates twins, they are born together, grow up to-
gether, laugh together, weep together, sicken and die
together." (Ibid. p. 286.)

The intrinsic justification which Williams in all these
ways allows to be assigned to the civil and social life, he also
extends to the "particularity" and "self-hood" of the civil
world. He affirms the latter in the fulness of its forms and
meanings, and fights angrily against Cotton who might

ROGER WILLIAMS 119

thereby squeeze all civil matters into one scheme since he
(Cotton) declares the essences of the Mosaic order of so-
ciety as eternal and unchangeable. Williams acknowledges
instead of a free historical movement, the historical evolu-
tion of the civil world. The order of nature is unchangeable
throughout all time: "Civil alters according to the consti-
tutions of peoples and nations." ( Bloody Tenent Yet More
Bloody, p. 80.) Indeed, certain moral principles in the
laws of Moses are eternal ; but only in the substance, not
in the material circumstances. Whatever remains in them
that is timeless must also work itself out "according to
the nature and constitutions of the several nations and
peoples of the world." {Ibid. p. 485.) Williams fights
through with Cotton particularly this question about the
problem of the punishment for adultery which Cotton
wishes to adapt to Mosaic law: for it Christ has established
no fixed punishment, but "leaves the several nations of the
world to their own several laws and agreements, . . .
according to their several natures, dispositions, and their
common peace and welfare." ( Ibid. p. 487. ) Thus Christ
approved "the several human ordinances or creations."
( Ibid. p. 48 8. ) Cotton's intolerance must deny the legality
of the several and heterogeneous governments and forms of
government, and force them all "to one common law."
{Ibid. p. 488. ) One dare not, however, overrate the inner
affirmation of the different nature of the world in space and
time. Plainly it is the historical change which Williams
calls forth to draw on the eternal and timeless lawful re-
ligion from its influence over the changeable state. He em-
phasizes the historical change so much in order to be able
to defend the religious matter before them, and affirms it
in favor of the civil-social sphere, because he has withdrawn
religion out of this sphere. Like many other theorists of
tolerance, he enters into the revolutionary change of re-
ligious opinions of the English nation, how they changed
with their sovereigns from Roman Catholic to Anglican,
from Anglican to Protestant, and so forth, "as the longest

120 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

sword and strongest arm of flesh carries it." {Letters,
p. 219. "Letter to Endicott.") "The fathers have made
their sons heretics, and the sons their fathers." ( Queries of
Highest Consideration, p. 20. ) The historical change is to
Williams, indeed, very frequently an indication of the
transitoriness of the creature: "Vain uncertain and change-
able mutations of the present evil world." {Queries of
Highest Consideration, p. 20.) "Certain uncertainties of
friends, treasures, revenues, armies, forts, magazines,
castles, ships, and navies, crowns and lives." {Bloody
Tenent Yet More Bloody, p. 16.) This charge plainly
makes the civil world of inferior merit and dignity. With
this corresponds also Williams' view of history: prevail-
ing, undeceived princes ( Karl V ; Philip II ) and the decep-
tion of the English nation by the usurper Warbeck: transi-
toriness and deception of earthly beings.

The affirmation of the individual rights of states is so
frequently united by Williams to the discussion of the right
of resistance against heretical princes. Intolerance seems
to him to embrace in itself the doctrine of the dethronement
of heretical princes. He who objects to the social right of
existence of the subjects because of a religious disqualifica-
tion, will also not permit the heretical princes to have
authority in his civil life. He who believes in his duty to
have to eradicate the heretic from the face of the earth,
will also not make a stop before heretical princes: "such
kings and magistrates ought as well as thousands of his
subjects in like case to be put to death." {Bloody Tenent
Yet More Bloody, p. 420. Likewise, Ibid. pp. 86, 205.)
"All persecutors hold the Pope's traiterous doctrine of
deposing heretical princes." {Ibid. p. 302.) Persecution is
synonymous with the "Popish bloody doctrine of depos-
ing heretical kings." {Ibid. p. 28 1. ) It is the "Theory of
the Powder Plot." ( Ibid. p. 497. )

Under such presentations, Williams therefore has cer-
tain difficulties about the toleration of the Catholics, whose
Popes explicitly defended and practised this right. ( Against

ROGER WTLLIAMS 121

it, the toleration of the Jews is urged with unreserved
energy. ) The Catholic religion seemed, nevertheless, so
loaded with doctrines hostile to civility that in Williams'
time very few had ventured to speak of tolerating Catho-
lics. In favor of it, Williams goes about to explain that
doctrine about the deposing of heretical princes as alien
to the true basic dogma of the Catholics. The Catholics
had given proof of their loyalty in many Protestant coun-
tries 3 many in England had taken the Oath of allegiance.
One entire Catholic kingdom ( France ) had spoken out
in 1610 against the disloyal book of the Jesuit Mariana
and thereby shown how even the Catholic religion can be
reconciled with civil matters, and how unjust Cotton is "to
chain up all Papists in an impossibility of yielding civil obe-
dience." {Bloody Tenent Yet More Bloody , p. 31 1. ) Wil-
liams however held the toleration of Catholics to fixed
stipulations": the state may require them to take the Oath
of civil engagement and to yield up their arms, and the
state may also mark them "as the Jews are in some parts
by some distinction of or on their garments." {Ibid. p. 314. )
That it was possible for Williams, from his broadly
laid-out rejection of the deposing of heretical princes to
infer a reciprocal duty of the princes and to guard the
civil-social rights of his heretical subjects, is due to the
peculiar social-civil conception of Williams. This con-
ception rests in the identity of the civil and social rights
and relations. The state leads no independent life without
society and, that which makes it lawful, makes legitimate
also the whole body of social relationships, and to dispute
its self-designed immanent legitimacy signifies an abolition
and a negation of all social relations. One may compare,
for example, the following utterance of Williams: "And
hence it is true, that a Christian captain, Christian mer-
chant, physician, lawyer, pilot, father, master, and so con-
sequently magistrate, etc., is no more a captain, merchant,
physician, lawyer, pilot, father, master, magistrate, etc.,
than a captain, merchant, etc., of any other conscience or

122 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

religion." (Bloudy Tenerit, p. 341.) The state appears
here as the product of the social division of labor: the
essence of the state resting entirely on the existence of a
portion of the governing classes. This portion has an
occupation among other occupations, as a special social
group among other groups. The civil being is also dissolved
into the social being. One can also say Williams robs, as
it were, the state of its public nature, in that, he identifies it
with the remaining social relations and constituents. The
legitimacy of the state becomes the legitimacy of a social
vocational-group j its immanent "legitimacy" differs not at
all in principle from the "authorization" of the business of
a merchant and the legality of a mercantile business.
( Transl. Note: See Ernst: Roger Williams, Part III,
Chapt. 12. The state is a public service corporation. See
also, The Political Thought of Roger Williams.) A
"Christian" state would in the conception of Williams pre-
suppose a "Christian" banking business, a "Christian"
fishery, a "Christian" medical science, and so forth. Thus
Williams is able to defend the biblical phrase to give Caesar
what is Caesar's into making legitimate the "Totalitat" of
social relationships and to place the affirmation of the state
beyond all religious presumptions on a parity with the
claims of all citizens, like that religious qualification, on all
social right to property and life. "Although that a man is
not godly, a Christian, sincere, a church member, yet to
deprive him of any civil right or privilege due to him as a
Man, a Subject, a Citizen, is to take from Caesar that which
is Caesar's, which God endures not though it be given to
himself." {Bloody T enent Yet More Bloody, p. 414.)
Thus whilst Williams deprives religion of any connection
with the state, he also disestablishes the state.

As Williams has justified the non-religious state as a
civil state in the fulness of its essence and being, he in addi-
tion proceeds to defend on the basis of this legitimacy the
full -rights of non-religious citizens as unassailable. Just
as each state is "complete" as a state beyond its religious

ROGER WILLIAMS 123

creeds, so is also each citizen as a citizen. The social func-
tions of the subject are not able, because of his religious
creed, to possess the least enhancement, improvement,
influence, not even a coloring or a toning down. "And I
ask whether or not such as hold forth other worships or
religions Jews, Turks, or anti-Christians, may not be peace-
able and quiet subjects, loving and helpful neighbors,
fair and just dealers, true and loyal to the civil govern-
ment." ( Bloudy Tenertt, p. 112.) The society moves by its
own impulsive power. Social and religious morals are two
different forces. The social moral is something natural, and
grows inevitably out of the social, immanent and natural
necessities. There is a social moral which needs no religi-
ous impulse: "There is a moral virtue, a moral fidelity and
honesty, which other men besides churchmembers are by
good nature and education, by good laws and good
examples nourished and trained up in." ( Bloody Tenent
Yet More Bloody , p. 365. ) There is a "civil faithfulness,
obedience, honesty, chastity." {Ibid. p. 207.) These
differentiate themselves naturally from religious obedi-
ence, religious faithfulness and religious virtue. It is
dangerous "to confound the nature of civil and moral
goodness with religious." ( Ibid. p. 406. ) On that account
it is an error to assume that "religious" sins are able to
menace the civil state. Individual sins indeed may affect
and trouble the social life. "But blindness of the soul,
hardening of the heart, the inclination to choose this or
that God, this or that Christ besides the true one, these
injure not even remotely the commonwealth, since they
do not affect it, but only the spiritual kingdom." {Bloudy
Tenent, p. 328.) Even persons without any religion
can be put into possession of that social morality, which
makes them suitable members of society.

Thus the social being experiences no suggestion or
pressure because of religious powers. Neither the society
as a whole nor the individual social trade groups suffer
a declension through the religious changes. "Yea, though

124 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

the whole worship of the city of Ephesus should be altered,
yet if men be true and honestly ingenuous the city cove-
nants, combinations and principles, all this might be with-
out the least impeachment or infringement of the peace
of the city of Ephesus." (Bloudy Tenent, p. 47.) The
change in religion becomes the more significant, if within
the society there is established a religious congregation
which represents itself as a process of continual organ-
izing and dissolving of the religious union in which persons
assemble spontaneously to disunite and again break up
when its purpose is accomplished. Such a voluntary union
is the religious congregation, in fact one of the "companies
and societies voluntarily entering into combinations which
are distinct from the city." {Bloody Tenent Yet More
Bloody > p. 69.) No political and social theorist, not even
Locke, (Locke, John, (1632-1704) Toleration, (1685),
and Two Treatises of Government. ( 1690 ) has so ruggedly
worked out the idea that the church is an "association," a
corporation with private rights: "The church, or company
of worshippers, whether true or false, is like unto a body or
college of physicians in a city — like unto a corporation, so-
ciety, or company of East India or Turkey merchants, or any
other society or company of London ; which companies
may hold their courts, keep their records, hold disputations,
and in matters concerning their society may dissent, divide,
break into schisms and factions, sue and implead each
other at the Jaw, yea, wholly break up and dissolve into
pieces and nothing, and yet the peace of the city not be
in the least measure impaired or disturbed; because the
essence of the city, and so the well-being and peace thereof,
is essentially distinct from those particular societies; the
city courts, city laws, city punishments distinct from them.
The city was before them, and stands absolute and entire
when such a corporation or society is taken down." ( Bloudy
Tenent , p. 46. )

Christianity and religion have lost entirely their social
effectiveness. Religion has nowhere become flesh, and has

ROGER WILLIAMS 125

nowhere assumed a characteristic form. Christianity is
without any formative power for the things of this earth.
There are no "Christian states"; there is no "Christian
world." Christianity, as Williams conceives it, loses its
outward form and its visibility. It would be deprived of
its original essence, if it entered into a combination with
the things of this world. It is not able to impress its
stamp on the earthly things, and there are in this world
no longer any sacred things. The idea which we have so
frequently come upon, that Christ removed the distinction
between holy and unholy, pure and impure, Williams
modifies in many different ways. Upon this earth no longer
lies the shadow of Holiness; the holy nowhere any longer
becomes characteristic form. Williams falls upon this
idea in order particularly to destroy essentially the supe-
riority of the Christian world over the non-Christian. The
nations are-all alike pure and impure. None can thereby
exalt itself above the others, in that it boasts of its religi-
ous perfection, and because it claims for itself a peculiar
Holiness. All nations stand equal before God. Since the
New Testament times there is no longer any "holy nation":
the Israel of the Old Testament was a prototype of the
holy nation of Christ, which is chosen out of the few Elect
whom Christ has called out of the nations of the earth.
No nation is called unanimously. Even the "Christian"
nations are equal to the others before God. Williams offers
vehement objections against "this sanctifying of a new land
of Canaan." (Queries of Highest Consideration, p. 19.)
"Are not all the nations of the earth alike clean unto God?
Or rather, alike unclean until it pleaseth the Father of
mercies to call some out to the knowledge and grace of
his Son, making them to wash in the blood of the Lamb of
God?" (Bloudy Tenent, p. 281.) "But now the partition-
wall is broken down, and in respect of the Lord's special
propriety to one country more than another, what differ-
ence between Asia and Africa, between Europe and
America, between England and Turkey, London and Con-

lid RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

stantinople?" {Ibid. p. 275.) For Williams also made
war on the colonial policy of annexation by force which
makes an appeal to the inner spiritual "religious" pre-
eminence of Christian nations. Out of this sanctification
and religious glorification of Christian nations follows "the
sin of the patents, wherein Christian kings, so-called-( ! )
are invested with the right by virtue of their Christianity
to take away and give away the lands and countries of
other men," who are not Christian. ( Bloody Tenent Yet
More Bloody, p. 461.) In a more interesting way this
interpretation provides Williams also with a means to
rebuke the overbearing manner of the colonies towards
Mother England. In Cotton's mind there had arisen on
American soil a land of God and a kingdom of Christ,
which was exalted spiritually far above religious-corrupt
England. Against this notion, Williams says: "I for my-
self acknowledge the land of England not to be inferior
to any under heaven." {Bloudy Tenent,p. 4-07.) Through
this denial of the spiritual superiority of New England,
he hopes also to be able to break the persecution of New
England, "stopping New England's persecutions by the
mercy of Old England, the mother of dissenting con-
sciences." (Bloody Tenent Yet More Bloody, p. 463.)

Christianity, as Williams understands it, ceases there-
fore to compromise with the Forms of this earth, because
it itself remains with fixed Form as a permanent Pattern.
Every established pattern in religious things signifies for
our logician, — to neglect religion and the godly matters
with a "Kreatural Bildhaftigkeit," to run counter to the
command of God not to make an image of Him. This
begins even with the earliest religious experience of the
individual. Even here Williams struggles against a fixed,
bound and rigid pattern. The religious belief ought to be
a constant spiritual struggle, a continual flowing, becoming
and bubbling of the spirit. (Naturally it ought not be
denied that, with the belief in predestination, in Williams
who accepted the belief of individual "Election," that is,

ROGER WILLIAMS

127

security and irrevocability, there are also other heterogene-
ous motives operative. ) Perseverance in the once attained
Truth, lethargy in religious truth, is sinful confidence in
natural insight. The belief in the insecurity of human
knowledge could become a natural motive in favor of
tolerance. In fact, Williams constructs in part his ideas
of tolerance upon the insecurity of human knowledge ;
(Transl. Note: Williams was closely associated with the
scientific movement of the seventeenth century, and so
emphasized experience, experiment and inquiry in life and
thought.) No one can know whether he follow in a heresy
and not the Lord: "It is a dangerous thing to put this to
the may-be, to the venture or hazard, to the possibility."
{Letters, "To Endicott," August 1651, p. 225.) "May
not the most High be pleased to hide from his (the perse-
cutor's) as well as from the eyes of his fellow servants,
fellow mankind, fellow English: And if God hide from
his, from any, who can discover? " ( Ibid. p. 2 1 6. ) It was a
"holy purpose" of God to permit all the duplicity of
religious knowledge in which the individual, thrown about
erring and reeling, is placed, "as it displays Himself only
perfect and excellent and all the rest of men in all ages
but farthing candles, yea, smoking firebrands." {Bloody
Tenent Yet More Bloody ', p. 39.) Thus are the people:
"poor dust and ashes, like stones once rolling down the
Alps, like Indian canoes or English boats loose and adrift,
where stop we until infinite mercy stop us, especially,
when a false fire of zeal and confidence drives us."
{Letters, "To Endicott," p. 226. )

Neither does Williams hold to the belief in a true
church now existing in the world. Nor does religious
essence here take on form; nor ought it here become an
earthly image. The children of God are obscured, and
divided in opinions. They are not able to be reconciled
since they live entirely ignorant of themselves and the
world. "The rich mines of golden truth lie hid under
barren hills, and in obscure holes and corners." {Bloudy

128 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Tenent, p. 150.) Thousand of God's Elect live in the
national, diocesan and parish churches and go about among
the mass of "Idolaters." "God's people in their persons are
His, most dear and precious, yet in respect of the Christian
worship, they are mingled amongst the Babylonians."
(Ibid. p. 40. ) They are nearest to God, "that separate
both from one and the other, yet are divided also among
themselves into several professions." (Ibid. p. 302. ) "But
as the lily is among the thorns, so is Christ's love among the
daughters j and as the apple-tree among the trees of the
forest, so is her beloved among the sons." {Ibid. p. 65. )
"What are two or three or more of regenerate or godly
persons in such communions, but as two or three roses or
lilies in a wilderness? A few grains of good corn in a heap
of chaff : A few sheep among herds of wolves or swine,
or (if more civil) flocks of goats: A little good dough
swallowed up with a whole bushel of leaven: Or a little
precious gold confounded and mingled with a whole heap
of dross:" (Ibid. p. 421.)

The religious opinion of Williams is therefore repre-
sented variously as a religion of escape — as an escape from
the business and evil ways of the world. The flower of re-
ligion blossoms in hidden places, and the church — Williams
returns frequently to this comparison — is like an enclosed
and hedged in garden into which penetrates no "breath
from the agitated world." Separation from the world, iso-
lation, is the mark of the religious adjustment of Williams.
"A false religion out of the church will not hurt the church,
no more than weeds in a wilderness hurt the enclosed
garden or poison hurts the body when it is not touched
or taken, yea, and antidotes are received against it." ( Ibid.
p. 167.) "If the weeds be kept out of the garden of the
church, the roses and lilies therein will nourish, notwith-
standing, that weeds abound in the held of the civil state."
(Ibid. p. 156.) He charges the adherents of the state-
church, that they wish to make the garden and the wilder-

ROGER WILLIAMS

129

ness a unity. {Ibid. p. 170.) Cotton wishes to make the
dung-heaps of the world the blossoming gardens of Christ.
In all this sticks at bottom a goodly piece of hardheaded
religious egoism. Without the weeds may nourish, if only
in my garden the roses blossom; and without the storm
may howl and the ships be shattered to pieces, if only my
ships lie safely at anchor. Williams is filled with the fear
that the purity of his soul and his religion might suffer
alarm and dangers of the world; but the world may be
destroyed if only my soul suffers no harm! He speaks of
"the lamentable ship-wreck of mankind" ( Bloudy Tenent,
p. 3 ) from which it is worthwhile to save oneself. He longs
to be of the true church: "also separated from the rubbish
of anti-Christian confessions and desolations." (Ibid. p. 41 . )
"Having bought truth dear, we must not sell it cheap, not
the least grain of it, for the whole world; no, not for the
saving of souls." (Ibid. p. 9.) He reminds Parliament:

Therein is contained also the analysis of the tolerance-scheme of
Cotton. Here contend not merely tolerance and intolerance, but also one
idea of tolerance with another. Within the church (Cotton admits
certain toleration even without the church — even if hemmed in by
reservations and disqualifications.) Cotton desires to tolerate every-
thing which is at one with things fundamental. Williams throws out
headlong the idea of toleration within the church. Cotton wishes to
transplant the stinking weeds into the garden of God. (Bloody Tenent
Yet More Bloody, p. 142.) "Komprehension" Williams holds is a dis-
grace to the church of God. Everything, even the smallest tares must be
weeded out of the garden of Christ. Williams conceives the notion of
heretics more strictly than does Cotton: the opposition to God even in
the smallest matters 'makes one an heretic. {Ibid. p. 99.) The question
which has been presented to all plans of Comprehension: Where is the
borderline? What belongs to fundamental truths? is also raised by Wil-
liams, {Ibid. p. 117.) In addition Williams is radically opposed to every
presentation of a Christian unified-front which at best brings such
plans to naught; his more sublime religious standpoint removes all
current Christianity at so great a distance that the removal of it from
non-Christian religion diminishes to a vanishing point. The "Christiani
omnes sumus" has in him an embittered opponent. His tolerance is a
tolerance of ultimate intolerance; a tolerance of spiritual abandonment
and of spiritual resignation of "the world").

130 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

"Be not so busy about the earthly state, no nor the heavenly
estate of others, as to forget to make sure you own voca-
tion and election." [Bloody Tenent Yet More Bloody ,
p. 15.) We dare not expose ourselves to the dangers of
the world, not even to save a soul. Each for himself, and
God for all of us. "Christ commands his disciples to let
the blind man go until he falls into the grave." [Bloudy
Tenent, p. 19. )

One pulse of the heart is indistinguishable from the
others. Williams is a strict adherent of Calvinistic pre-
destination, (Transl. Note: Freund fails to distinguish
between "unconditional" and "conditional" election. Wil-
liams held the Lutheran position of "conditional election."
Or in other words Williams took the idea of "predestina-
tion" more nearly in the sense in which Paul presents the
idea in the New Testament. See Ernst: Roger Williams,
Part IV, Chapter 2, "The Seeker Religion"), and con-
structs in part his idea of tolerance upon it. About con-
demnation and sanctification God alone has the determina-
tion and him whom he has chosen for eternal peace, no
errors can trouble. (Transl. Note: Freund is in error here,
for Williams admits that even the elect are uncertain of
their election. See Ernst: Roger Williams, "The Seeker
Religion.") The Elect need no protection: God's sheep
are safe in his eternal hand. "Dead men cannot be infected.
The civil state, the world, being in a natural state, dead
in sin, whatever be the state-religion unto which persons
are forced, it is impossible it should be infected. Indeed,
the living, the believing, the church and spiritual state,
that and that only is capable of infection; for whose help
we shall presently see what preservatives and remedies
the Lord Jesus hath appointed. Moreover, as we see in
a common plague or infection, the names are taken, how
many are to die, and not one more shall be struck than the
destroying angel hath names of: so here whatever be the
soul-infection breathed out from the lying lips of a plague-
stricken Pharisee, yet the names are taken, not one elect

ROGER WILLIAMS 131

or chosen of God shall perish. God's sheep are safe in
his eternal hand and counsel, and he knows his material,
knows also his mystical stars, their numbers, and calls
them every one by name. None fall into the ditch on the
blind Pharisee's back, but such as were ordained to that
condemnation, both guide and followers. The vessels of
wrath shall break and split, and only they, to the praise
of God's eternal justice. (Bloudy Tenent, p. 97.) "Who
can pluck these sheep, "the elect, out of his hand." (Ibid.
p. 115.) Intolerance builds upon the Popish doctrine of
free will, as if "it lay in their own power and ability to
believe upon the magistrate's command." (Ibid. p. 222.)

A religious positiveness flows through the entire think-
ing of Williams. He does not let the seducer of men in
religious matters get away without combat, and of a spirit-
ual toleration of these whom he wrests away from the
gallows of the state there is no word: in the state the law
demands — an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, a life for
a life; and in the kingdom of the church the law — a soul
for a soul. (Ibid. p. 96.)

At the bottom of every religious theory of Williams,
reposes the refusal of any spiritual conquest of the world.
This has been denied because it would presuppose secular
"sovereignty." To Williams, moreover, each "domina-
tion" represents a menace to true religiousness. The divine
illumination is vouchsafed only to the lower classes of
people, for the most part in their wholeness of religious
sensibility. A profound spiritual aversion of the demon of
power and authority overcomes our thinker, and a vehe-
ment mistrust of the upper classes of society. In the dedi-
cation (to the Parliament) of the Bloody Tenent Yet More
Bloody and in a "Letter to Endicott" (Letters, p. 214) he
speaks of a particular seduction for which the rulers are
censured. Their spiritual welfare is more powerfully
exposed to danger than that of all the others; therefore,
true Christianity shines very seldom upon the leaders of
social and civil life. To let the rulers decide upon the

132 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

religion of the state signifies from thence always the sover-
eignity of the unreligious persons over the church. God is
"Maximus in minimis." ( Bloudy Tenent , p. 4. ) Even cul-
ture and knowledge through which the great world shines,
does not guarantee the religious truth which is the grace and
gift of God. "God delights to befool the wise and high."
(Bloody Tenent Yet More Bloody, p. 209.) "The Most
High and glorious God hath chosen the poor of the world
and the witnesses of truth are clothed in sackcloth, not in
silk and satin." [Bloudy Tenent, p. 151.) This so-called
poverty is however not the poverty of the proletarian
suffering, but the "plainness" of the middle class. The
kings of the earth seldom enter into heavenly glory: Wil-
liams trembles approvingly as he tells how Buchanan on
his deathbed directed these words to King James — "Re-
member my humble service to his majesty, and tell him
Buchanan is going to a place where few kings come." ( Ibid.
p. 151.) "Not many wise and good are called but the poor
receive the Gospel, as God hath chosen the poor of the
world to be rich in faith." ( Ibid. p. 355. ) Thus Williams
can express the conviction that persecution oppresses pre-
dominately those saints of God who indeed never share in
that civil power which does the persecuting. It is only a
"seeming impartiality," if among the heaps of slaughtered
an anti-Christian is found here and there. ( Bloody Tenent
Yet Adore Bloody, p. 34. )

From hence it is not much further to a spiritual depre-
ciation of the order of tolerance which makes light the cross
for the Saints of Christ. Williams has at the bottom of his
soul very little faith in the universal realization of tolera-
tion. Oppression will forever be the distinctive mark of
the people of God, and will remain so. The Saints have
flourished the most in grace and piety under persecution.
Constantine was more fatal to the church of God than
Nero. ( Ibid. p. 334. ) Thus the idea of toleration will not
be in the form of a universal world order, but merely a
criterion of the Saints and a means of spiritual justification.

ROGER WILLIAMS 133

The papists ought to be tolerated, so that this forbearance
may witness against them and their persecution, and crush
them under their disgrace. {Ibid. p. 27.) The idea of
toleration is, as a whole, not to be considered favorable to
the liberation of mankind in general from guilt and evil,
but a part of that scheme of salvation of the privileged of
God out of the universal "lamentable ship-wreck of
mankind."

Queen's Fort

Mr. Norman M. Isham calls attention to the mention of
"The Queen's Fort, so called" as early as December 1724
in the R. I. Colonial Records IV, p. 349. This establishes
the fact that the Queen's Fort was called by that name
within the lifetime of persons who had lived through King
Philip's War. For an account of Queen's Fort see R.I. Hist.
Soc. Collections for October, 1931.

Notes

The following persons have been admitted to member-
ship in the Society:

Rev. Paul C. Burhoe Mrs. John R. Freeman

Mrs. C. H. Horton

134 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest

A History and Church Directory of Holy Trinity Parish,
Tiverton, R. I., 1933, by Rev. Herbert B. Gwyn, is a
pamphlet of 24 pages.

The John's Island Stud, presented to the Society by the
author, Fairfax Harrison, Esq., contains an important
eight-page account of early Narragansett pacers.

An historical Map of South Kingstown by Carder H.
Whaley and Alfred T. Taylor, 1933, shows the original
layouts of the land of the early settlers.

Antiques for July 1933 contains several items of Rhode
Island interest: an illustrated editorial on Goddard's clock
cases and a Goddard table; an illustrated account of Ethan
Still man, gunsmith, and his work, by Charles D. Cookj
and a critical study of a Pawtucket eagle tavern sign by
Homer Eaton Keyes.

Some Unpublished Berkeley Letters with some new
Berkeleiana by A. A. Luce, is a reprint of 20 pages from the
April 1 933 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

The July issue of the New England Historical and
Genealogical Register contains an article on the early gen-
erations of the Knight family of Rhode Island by G. An-
drews Moriarty, A.M., F.S.A.

The Mount Hope Bridge Corporation has issued an
interesting map of Newport and southeastern Rhode
Island.

Form of Legacy

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island
Historical Society the sum of
dollars."

Roger Williams Press h\Jli^

E. A. Johnson Co.

providence

Rhode Island

Historical Society

Collections

Vol. XXVII

JANUARY, 1934

THE CHINESE JUNK KE YING WHICH VISITED
PROVIDENCE IN 1847. (See page 5)

Issued Quarterly

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island

CONTENTS

PAGE

A German Regiment at Newport

by Hilmar H. Weber, Ph.D. ... 1

The Chinese Junk Ke Ying

by Howard M. Chapin .... 5

Adam and Eve at Providence

by Solon J. Buck, Ph.D 13

Notes 14

New Publications 14

Review of Sale)}/ in the Seventeenth Century

by G. Andrews Moriarty, F.S.A. . . . 15

List of Members 18

The Westconnaug Purchase

by Theodore G. Foster .... 24

RHODE
HISTORICAL

ISLAND

SOCIETY

COLLECTIONS

Vol. XXVII JANUARY, 1934

No. 1

William Davis Miller, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.

On a German Regiment Stationed
at Newport

By Hilmar H. Weber, Ph.D.

The troops of the German allies of Great Britain, during
the American War of Independence, which are persistently
misnamed the Hessian Mercenaries (being neither mercen-
aries, nor all Hessians ), have been unkindly treated by fate.
They were listed in the Declaration of Independence
among the grievances of the Colonies ; they were denounced
in scathing terms by Schiller j and they have finally suffered
from the altered attitude of mind that accompanied the
change in the whole military system a few decades after
their activity.

Soldiering in the seventeenth and eighteenth century was
so wholly a paid profession, that it mattered little to the
private soldier, and scarcely any more to an officer, in the

2 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

army of what country he served. Rulers were especially
eager to nil up the ranks of their forces with foreigners, and
thereby conserve the human resources of their own state.
Under these conditions it was not expected that a man
should enter upon a campaign out of motives of patriotism
or devotion to his native soil. He fought for a given state
because he had voluntarily entered its army, and he was as
little concerned with the reasons that caused this state to
take up arms, as he was with the motives of the opponent.

Armies in the eighteenth century were small and costly,
and on the outbreak of a war, there was a general seeking of
allies who might be willing to put a few carefully trained
regiments at ones disposal. Often the only return that could
be given was subsidies, since a share of conquered territory
would have had no value to a small state. There is one addi-
tional feature that made the use of auxiliary, or as they
were called "subsidy", troops very natural in the case of the
American War of Independence: it was regarded in Europe
as a rebellion, and no stigma attaches in suppressing it.

It is interesting, to the historian, to find in the army
registers of the different states involved, mention of service
in North America. The Prussian Army Register for 1806
records such service for one of the regiments. As Prussia did
not furnish any troops to England and, in fact, Frederick
the Great was a firm friend of the Colonies, we might be
surprised at this mention of service in America, till we saw
that it was only in 1 792 that the Regiment became Prussian,
it having previously been in the service of the Margrave of
Ansbach-Bayreuth.

The history of Ansbach and Bayreuth is extremely com-
plicated. In brief, these two principalities formed the
domains of the Hohenzollern family before they became
Margraves and Electors of Brandenburg. These two prin-
cipalities, situated in Southern Germany remained separate
practically all the time, and were ruled by the cadet
branches. In 1761 Friedrich Christian, the last Margrave
of Bayreuth, died, and the Margrave of Ansbach now ruled

GERMAN REGIMENT

over both principalities. In 1791 he abdicated in favor of his
kinsman, the Elector of Brandenburg, King of Prussia. It
was on this occasion that the two regiments, known to stu-
dents of the American Revolution as the Ansbach Regiment
and the Bayreuth Regiment (which names show that the
dominions of the Margrave of Ansbach consisted of two
parts recently joined) were taken over, combined into a
single regiment, into tihe Prussian service.

With these facts in mind, we can now turn to the entry
itself which is to be found on pages 145 and 146 of :
Stammliste aller Regimenter und Corps der Koniglich-
Preussischen Armee. Fur das Jahr 1806. Berlin, 1806. Zum
Besten der Militar-Erziehungs-Anstalten. In Commission
der Himburgschen Buchhandlung.

In translation it reads as follows:

No. 56 Regiment Graf Tauentzien
(Franconian Inspection)

Garrison: Neuenkirchen near Baireuth; Culmbach (Grena-
diers ) j Crailsheim (third battalion).

Uniform: Scarlet cuff-facings, revers, and collars. Officers
have narrow silver lace around the rims of the hat, con-
vex silver buttons, and silver aguilettes.

Recruiting District: Formerly the entire principality of
Ansbach, with all cities situated therein, amounting to
36262 hearths, constituted the recruiting district, and
furnished the recruits of four squadrons of the Hussar
Battalion von Bila. The dispositions for the new district
are still to be made.

Origin: This regiment was formed in 1 794, in Mainz, out of
the former Margravial regiment: Voit von Salzburg1,
von Reizenstein, and the Grenadier Battalion von Beust".

1Voit von Salzburg was colonel of the Regiment Bayreuth at the time
of the surrender at Yorktown.

2von Beust was major in the Regiment Ansbach at the same time.

4 kllOlM'. ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Campaigns: In the service of the Margrave of Ansbach,
the Regiments von Voit and von Reizenstein took part
in the American war as subsidy troops of England, from
1 777 to 1783. In 1777 they took part in the expedition of
General Clinton on the North River, and the Grenadiers
participated in the storming of Fort Montgomery. Fur-
ther they helped effect the opening of the Delaware.
In 1778 they were in Newport, and after the relieving of
the siege, they took part in the pursuit of the enemy and
in the action of Turkey-Hill. In 1 780 they fought in the
action at Springfield on the Jersey. In 1781 they were
under Lord Cornwall is in the fortified and besieged camp
at Yorktown, sharing the fate of the Corps, and remained
as prisoners of war in Virginia.

In 1788 the Grenadier Battalion von Beust and the
Regiment von Reizenstein served as garrison of Nim-
wegen as Dutch subsidy troops. In 1 792 they entered the
Royal'' service, and participated in the campaign of 1793
with the Dutch Army. They were present at the blockade
of Breda, participated in the attack of Muschin, during
the battle of Famars, as vanguard of the Dutch Corps ;
they defended Lanoy in Flanders for twelve weeks
against many threatened attacks and aformal assault with
heavy artillery. They were present at the blockade of
Maubeuge, and shared notably in the defence of the Bois
de Tilleul. In 1 794 they were transferred to the Army of
the Rhine, where they remained as defence for the Line
of Demarcation till November 1795, and then returned
to their garrison4.

Commanders:

1 794 Major General von Reizenstein, died.

1795 Colonel von Laurens, died a major general in 1803.
1 804 Major General Count von Tauentzien.

''This means, of course, Prussian service.

4The regiment was disbanded in 1 S06 or 1S07.

CHINESE JUNK

The Chinese Junk Ke Ying at Providence

By Howard M. Chapin

Miss Caroline Hazard recently presented to the Society
an undated broadside bearing the picture of a Chinese junk.
This junk has been identified as the Keying. According to
information supplied by the Peabody Museum of Salem:
"She sailed from Hong Kong, Dec. 6, 1846, and was off
the Cape of Good Hope 1 14 days out. Seventeen days later
she arrived at St. Helena, where she remained for some
time. From there she went to New York and then around
to Boston. She sailed from Boston for London on Feb. 17,
1848."

A search through Rhode Island newspapers disclosed
several items showing that she arrived at Newport October
24, reached Providence on Nov. 2, sailed for Fall River on
Nov. 1 2, and reached Boston Nov. 20.

The Keying was in New York in September 1 847 and the
following item appeared in the Providence Journal1 of Sep-
tember 6, 1 847.

"the junketing of the junketeers. —

"The seven Chinamen, of the crew of the Keying, Capt. Kel-
lett, were examined at the Special Sessions yesterday, and
discharged. So far as the reports in the morning papers are
to be relied upon, it would seem that the crew had become
dissatisfied with their long detention from their 'own, then-
native land,' and sought by force to induce the captain to
fulfill a contract made with them, to the effect that the
voyage was to be limited to eight months, at eight dollars
per month wages.

1Also in The Mariujaeturers and Farmers Journal of the same date.

RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

CHINESE
JUNK.

The greatest curiosity ever exhibited in this city, may

now be seen at
FOX POINT WHARF, FOR A FEW DAYS.

This is, probably, the only opportunity (hat will ever
be offered to our citizens of viewing this great wonder
of the Western World.

The Junk is a perfect model of Chinese ship build-
ing 2000 years since. [Q= Admission 25 cents.
Open for exhibition, from 9 o'clock, A. M. to 6 P. M.

From original recently presented to (his Society by Miss Caroline Hazard.

CHINESE JUNK /

"The men complained that they rarely saw the captain,
but at length finding him with the mate in Castle Garden,
they gathered around the two, disputes arose, and blows
followed. The prisoners allege that the mate struck the first
blow, whereas the mate and captain both testified that the
assault commenced on the part of the prisoners. That the
crew had beaten the mate and otherwise acted riotously, ap-
pears plainly enough j but probably there was much diffi-
culty in clearly comprehending the whole case, and the
Court inclining to a merciful view of their conduct, dis-
charged the offenders. How far this decision will affect the
contract with the entire crew is a question in which the cap-
tain, we presume, will be somewhat interested. The agree-
ment, as translated by Mr. Williams, is as follows. It was
about six inches long and four wide, and written in Chinese
on pink rice paper.

" 'This'is to be a true testimony about going on a foreign
seas. This man is from Chow Chow. There is now an Eng-
lish country's captain, who has set up a voyage in a vessel
called the Keying. This is to request men to go on a foreign
ocean from Hong Kong. The limit of the voyage is eight
months, at $8 per month.

" 'That when they get to the end of the voyage if they
wish they can return home — the captain shall provide them
with a good ship and pay all expenses. As they can't give
security, they form themselves into a brethern 25 in all.
They are not to run away or steal anything from the vessel.
The contract is understood in the shop Meekin; and is
clearly and fully understood by the captain, and he take this
to be our contract. Dated on the 26th of the year of the
Emperor Taou-Kwang, (August, 18262, of our year).' N.
Y. Com. Adv."

The Newport Mercury of October 30 contains these two
items:

"Arrived. Sunday, Oct. 24. Chinese Junk, fm New York
for Boston."

JMisprint in newspaper for 1 846.

8 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

"The Chinese Junk — This outlandish craft arrived in
our harbor on Sunday last from New York, on her way to
Boston. Since her arrival she has been exhibited for several
days to the public at 25 cents each, but does not appear to
have excited much curiosity, and the number of visitors are
said to be small."

The Manufacturers and Farmers Journal ( Providence ),
in its issue of October 28, quoting from the Newport News,
said:

"The Junk — Ten of the hands belonging on board the
Junk, who had received about a month's wages in advance,
took a boat from her yesterday morning and came ashore,
landing at Long Wharf, and immediately made tracks out
of town. Officer Smith was put on track of them, and suc-
ceeded in arresting two of them, who are now locked up.
The others took 'leg bail for security,' and their where-
abouts has not as yet been ascertained."

The Providence Journal''' of October 28, reports:

"The Chinese Junk — We understand that the Junk has

cleared at Newport for Providence," but in the Nov. 1

issue:

"The Junk — We were misinformed when we supposed

the Junk had cleared at Newport for Providence."

The Providence Journal of Nov. 2, informs us:
"The Junk is coming to Providence after all. She is ex-
pected to be at Fox Point Wharf, ready for exhibition, to
morrow morning. The Perry is to tow her up to-day."

The Newport Mercury of November 6 tells us:
"The Junk was towed to Providence on Monday night
last by the steamer Perry."

The Republican Herald of Providence in the issue of
November 6, records the arrival on Tuesday, Nov. 2, of
"Chinese Junk Keying, Kellett, from Newport, in tow of

;.\lso in The Manufacturers and Farmer.* Journal.

CHINESE JUNK 9

the steamer Perry" and also contains the following news
item:

"Chinese junk — This specimen of oriental naval
architecture is attracting crowds of visitors, and it is indeed
worthy of a minute examination. To view the exterior of
this misshapen ship is worth more than a journey to Fox
Point, and that gratification may be had for the mere walk,
"without money and without price." But it becomes a much
greater curiosity to examine the interior, with the advantage
of the explanations which will be given by the Captain or
some of his intelligent officers and assistants. We enjoyed
that treat last Wednesday, and recommend to all our read-
ers not to suffer this opportunity to pass of examining this
very extraordinary vessel, it is probably constructed on the
model of marine craft used thousands of years ago, as far
back perhaps as the Trojan war, and not unlike the one in
which Aeneas visited Carthage to make love to and desert
the widow Dido."

The Providence Journal of November 3 contains three
items in regard to the arrival of the much heralded Junk.

The Marine Intelligence records her arrival on Novem-
ber 2 and an advertisement and news item4 appear on the
same page.

The advertisement reads:

"CHINESE JUNK

"The Wonder of the Western World is now exhibiting
at Fox Point wharf, where she will remain for three days
only. We would advise those who wish to see this great
curiosity — for they will never have the chance of seeing an-
other in these waters — to proceed on board at once.

"Hours of exhibition from 9 a. m. till 6 p. m.

"Admission 25 cts."

The news item reads:

'Also in The Manufacturers and Farmers Journal of Nov. 4.

10 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

"The Junk will be open for exhibition this morning at 9
o'clock. We cannot add any thing to the description that has
already been published. She is a wonder of this Western
World ; and this is the only opportunity our citizens will
ever have of seeing her. There are three native Chinaman
on board of her, — a mandarin", an artist, ( several specimens
of whose paintings may be seen on board, ) and a young lad.
The Junk lies at Fox Point Wharf."

The Daily Evening Transcript contained three news
items in regard to the junk.

On November 2 "The Chinese Junk has arrived and will
be open for exhibition, to-morrow, at Fox Point Wharf. She
is a queer looking craft and no mistake. We heard one of the
"outside barbarians" who was looking at her this morning,
say, "well she's a curious curiosity, anyway". The captain
assures us that there is not the slightest occasion for tying up
favorite dogs during the stay of the Junk, for the dog-eaters
have been sent home."

On November 5, "Yesterday we visited this truly won-
derful wonder of the world, and to our astonishment found
a Museum on board. Indeed it would well repay our war-
fare genius if only to see the arms used during the late war
with the English. To those fond of music their singular
instruments all can be seen; — in fact a little of everything
contained in that magnificent country. The vessel herself
is to the beholder a great wonder — being totally different
from any of our ships. Instead of iron cables and anchors,
wood is substituted. —

"A curious Chinese dog is also on board, which opens its
mouth to allow visitors to see that the inside of the mouth
and tongue is of the same color as its coat". Go every person

r'Mr. W. H. Everest contributes two notes on this mandarin. According
to the Edinburgh Review the mandarin was "Hesing, a mandarin of the
fifth class, whose distinctive mark is a crystal button on top of his cap."
The New York Morning Courier of |ulv 13 says that he was Eesing, a
mandarin of the second class "who at home ranks as Earls do in England."

''Probably a black chow.

CHINESE JUNK 11

must, for we are assured they will never regret paying 25
cents.

"The Junk will remain open a few days more to allow
our citizens a fair chance of seeing her."

On November 12, "The Chinese dog, belonging to the
Junk, ran away on Tuesday, and wandered over into See-
konk. Mrs. Smith was on board at the time and hearing the
loss, exclaimed "he's a misfortunate and foolish creeter to
wander away from his friends. What in airth he'll do I don't
see, for he don't understand a word of English." And the
old lady offered the mandarin a punch of snuff."

The Transcript of Nov. 9 tells us:

"The Chinese Junk stays here until Thursday next.7
About 6000 persons have visited her during the short time
she has been opened for exhibition."

The Transcript's Marine Intelligence on Nov. 12
records :

"Cleared — Chinese Junk, Lane, Fall River, and dropped
below, she is to be towed by the steamer Perry," and the
Journal of Nov. 13, in its Marine Intelligence under date
of Friday Nov. 12 says "Sailed — Chinese Junk Keying,
Fall River, ( in tow of steamer Perry )."

The Transcript of November 17, reported:

"The Chinese Junk — The Holmes' Hole correspondent
of the Merchant's Exchange, under date of Monday* after-
noon, says: 'Passed by Chinese Junk Keying, in tow of the
steamer R. B. Forbes'. So she will probablv reach Boston to-
day."

A similar item appears in the Journal of Nov. 1 7 :

"Holmes' Hole. Passed by 1 5th Chinese Junk Keying,
last from Fall River for Boston in tow of the R. B. Forbes."

7Nov. 11.
sNov. 15.

12 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The Manufacturers and Farmers Journal of November
22, records: "The Chinese Junk has arrived at Boston."

The Newport Mercury of November 27, quotes from the
Boston Advertiser:

"The Keying — The proprietors of this vessel were un-
able to reach her proposed destination on Saturday night'.
The consequence was that she lay through Sunday, between
Charlestown and Warren bridges, exposed to the view of a
great number of people, who took advantage of the occasion,
and got a pretty fair sight of her gratis"

Mr. W. H. Everest of New Haven contributes some in-
teresting items from New York and European papers, in
regard to the Keying. According to the New York Morning
Courier, the Keying arrived at New York on July 1 2, 1 847,
2 1 2 days from Canton, with sixty persons on board of whom
forty were Chinamen.

John Bully a London weekly newspaper, in March 1 848,
stated that the Keying left Canton on Oct. 19, 1846, was
off the Cape of Good Hope on March 30, 1 847, arrived at
St. Helena April 1 7, sailed April 23, arrived at New York
on July 9, left Boston on Feb. 17, 1848, touched at the
island of Jersey on March 15 and reached London on
March 28.*

The New York Evening Post of July 1 2, 1 847 said that
the Keying was originally built as a war vessel and that "she
was an excellent sea boat of about 700 tons, being 150 feet
long, 25 feet beam and 12 feet hold." She was built of teak
wood, had three masts with lateen sails and was painted
white striped with black, with an eye painted on either side
of her bow and a spread eagle on her stern. She cost
$75,000.

9Nov. 20.

ADAM AND EVE

Adam and Eve at Providence

Extract from the diary of Lucius C. Boynton
Communicated by Solon J. Buck, Ph.D.

November 20, [1850]. Yesterday I went on an Excur-
sion to Providence, to see Pratt's picture of the garden of
Eden, from Milton. A great crowd of persons were along.
Mrs. Cole and Mr. Judson, Miss Day and a Miss Georgia
Williams, who has been here at school, were of our com-
pany. It was a beautiful day, and with the crowd and the
excitement and the good humor of the company, we had a
charming trip.

The picture was much more beautiful than I expected.
The landscape scenes were charming, and the trees and
flowers were natural, and beautiful beyond description.
Adam and Eve appeared in three places, in a state of perfect
nudity, their skins white and fair as that of persons who wear
clothing in our day.

Their appearance was a little stiff and unnatural. They
did not seem to be in the enjoyment of that easy, quiet,
charmed life, which one would expect such persons would
lead, amidst so much beauty and magnificence. The botan-
ical part was interesting, exhibiting some of the most beauti-
ful plants of the Tropical regions".

^ucien Cyrus Boynton was born in Vermont about 1810. He was
graduated from Andover Theological Seminary in 1838, after which he
taught school for about two years in New Jersey and some four years in
Virginia. He then returned to New England, where he read law, and in
1846 he was admitted to the bar in Woodstock, Vermont. After some
vicissitudes, he settled down in Uxbridge, Mass., to practice, and he was
living there at the time of his trip to Providence, recounted in the extract.
Later he moved to Springfield, Illinois, where he died. His journal, a
voluminous affair, runs from 183 5 to 185 3 and not only recounts his
activities but also records his reactions to various problems, both theologi-
cal and secular, and discloses a character of unusual interest.

2This diarv is to be printed in The American Antiquarian Society
Proceedings.

14 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The following advertisement in regard to Pratt's picture
appeared in the Providence Journal in November, 1850. :

SPLENDID WORK OF ART

Is now on exhibition at Franklin Hall, Pratt's great Botan-
ical and Poetical Panorama of the Garden of Eden, as
described in Milton's Paradise, an immense moving mirror
of nature, presenting a vast range of gorgeous scenery, with
the most remarkable and beautiful animals, birds, rare and
splendid trees, fruits and flowers of every clime. Also, three
groups of Adam and Eve, of the natural size, painted in oil
colors and highly finished. Doors open every evening at
6l/2 — commence moving at 7^ o'clock. Admittance 25
cents ; children half price. There will be an exhibition every
Wednesday and Saturday afternoon, at 3 o'clock, tf o22

Notes

The following persons have been elected to membership
in the Society:

Prof. James B. Hedges Mr. Zenas H. Ellis

Eliot A. Shaw, M.D.

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest

Rhode Island Banks During the Bank Holidays of
Marc/? 1 933 y compiled by the Rhode Island Hospital Trust
Company, is a volume of 64 pages with a frontispiece illus-
tration of a "one dollar scrip".

The American Genealogist for October 1933 contains
some English records relating to Thomas Olney and iden-
tifying his wife as Mary, daughter of James Ashton of St.
Albans, Herts.

Chester Willard Barrows, a memorial address by James
C. Collins, Esq. was issued as an illustrated booklet of
1 8 pages.

Sergeant John Smith's Diary of 1776, edited by Louise
Rau, is a pamphlet of 21 pages reprinted from the Mississ-

NEW PUBLICATIONS 15

ippi Valley Historical Review. Sergeant Smith was a resi-
dent of Bristol, R. I.

The Evening Bulletin of September 26, 1933 contained
an account of Russell Warren, the architect, and his work.

Our Earliest Colonial Settlements by Charles M. An-
drews contains a 25 page chapter on Rhode Island, the
Troubled Home of Soul Liberty.

The Correspondence of Esek Hopkins, has just been
published by the Rhode Island Historical Society from the
original manuscripts in its library, as a volume of 1 0 1 pages
with an introduction by William Davis Miller. It is a com-
panion volume to the Letter Book of Esek Hopkins which
was published by the Society in 1 932.

Book Review

Salem in the Seventeenth Century
by James Duncan Phillips, Riverside Press

The principal interest to Rhode Islanders in Mr. Phil-
lips' excellent history of the social and economic life of Salem
is the part dealing with the general history of the Massa-
chusetts Bay Colony and its heretics. Mr. Phillips, a "dyed
in the wool" Massachusetts man, is a historian of the old
school, after the manner of Palfrey or Ellis. The Massa-
chusetts magistrates could do no wrong. He deals with
Roger Williams, the Quakers, Dr. Child and Randolph at
length and vigorously belabours all of them..

With regard to Williams, his stand is very simple. The
Massachusetts Puritans came to establish their own form
of government and so were perfectly justified in driving
out all who differed from them. Roger Williams did differ
from them, was a trouble maker and so he was exiled. Now
there is no doubt but that Williams was a troublesome fel-
low and inclined to make mountains out of mole hills, and
granting Mr. Phillips' premise, the Theocracy was per-

16 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

fectly justified. But Williams was one of the earliest found-
ers of the Bay Colony (he came in 1631) and was certainly
as much entitled to have a voice in the principles upon which
the Colony was founded as anyone else. He was unhappily
in the minority and, according to Mr. Phillips' view, had
no right to express his opinions upon religious matters,
which differed from those of the majority, not necessarily
of the settlers, but of the magistrates. Let us grant this and
admit that the majority of the magistrates could banish
those who differed from them. Then certainly Massachu-
setts was not a free Colony nor did its rulers differ in any
degree from Archbishop Laud. If Mr. Phillips' premise is
sound then the Anglicans of the dominant party in the
.Church at home were fully justified in their stand regard-
ing the Puritans. But this logical conclusion is one that Mr.
Phillips is somewhat loath to admit. He cannot help feeling
that Laud's conduct towards his beloved rulers of Massa-
chusetts was not to be justified and savoured of tyranny.

Upon a broader basis, Williams was contending for t he-
great principle, which the world has since recognized, that
the civil authorities must not punish a man for his religious
beliefs. The great principle of toleration is one that Mr.
Phillips fails totally to comprehend. He is blind to the
wide humanitarian views of Williams or to the singular
kindliness of his spirit that enabled him to return, as in the
Pequot War, good for evil, and enabled him to retain the
personal friendship of his opponents, who have described
him as a "man of a very lovely carriage." Upon a narrow
view of the situation, Mr. Phillips may justify his stand but
to the broader and more humane view of the situation he is
strangely blind. As the London Times recently put it in its
able review of Dr. Ernst's recent Life of Williams, perhaps
the Massachusetts authorities were legally justified in his
banishment but "along that way persecution lies." Mr.
Phillips' statement covers only one side of the question; to
the other aspects of the Williams episode he is strangely
ignorant or intentionally silent.

BOOK REVIEW 17

With respect to the Quakers he has a better case. The
Quakers were fanatics and disturbers of the public peace
and the Bay magistrates were justified in restraining them;
but the extreme harshness, extending to the death penalty,
outran the offence. Certainly the picture of Endicott throw-
ing his skull cap on the Council table and threatening to go
back to England if he could not hang Quakers is not a
pretty one, nor is that of Norton, tormenting the last
moments of Mary Dyer, as she went to execution, an edify-
ing one. Mr. Phillips wisely is silent regarding these little
incidents in his defense of the Theocracy.

In his treatment of the Randolph controversy Mr. Phil-
lips turns about face and rejoices in the resistance of the
Puritans to the "oppression" of the Crown. The picture of
the Theocracy in the role of the champion of liberty is a
startling transformation. As a matter of fact it was Charles
II, who curbed the insolence of the Bay magistrates and
compelled them to show some sort of toleration and mercy.
Randolph was no angel, he was a corrupt Restoration poli-
tician, but the manner in which he was treated, unwise and
stupid to say the least, turned him into a bitter and vindic-
tive enemy of Massachusetts and brought about the final
overthrow of the Theocratic tyranny that had lorded it in
the Bay Colony for over fifty years.

It is a well known fact that the rulers of Massachusetts
by restricting the franchise to church members prevented
the great body of people from making their views felt in
their government and created anything but a free state. Mr.
Phillips' excuse that probably the people did not care any-
thing about the franchise is naive and somewhat amusing.
However, when all is said and done it is stimulating to find
so one sided a defender of the Bay magistrates at this late
date. Mr. Phillips has presented us with an able and
ingenious piece of special pleading and has skillfully sup-
pressed the other side of the question. It makes a fine argu-
ment but this is not history.

G. Andrews Moriarty.

RHODI-: ISLAND HISTORICAL SOC1KTY

List of Active Members of the Rhode Island
Historical Society.

December 1, 1933

Mr. David C Adelman

Mr. Frederick W. Aldred

Mr. Edward K. Aldrich, Jr.

Miss Lucy T. Aldrich

Hon. Richard S. Aldrich

Mr. Stuart M. Aldrich

Mr. Philip Allen

Miss Ada Almy

Mr. Walter F. Angell

Mrs. Everard Appleton

Mr. John B. Archer

Mr. Arthur H. Armington

Miss Maude E. Armstrong

Mrs. Edward E. Arnold

Mr. Frederick W. Arnold

Miss Mittie Arnold

Mr. James H. Arthur

Mr. Donald S. Babcock

Mr. Albert A. Baker

Mrs. Charles K. Baker

Mr. Harvey A. Baker

Mr. J. Willard Baker

Miss Mary H. Balch

Mrs. Walter S. Ball

Rev. Clarence A. Barbour, D.D.

Mrs. Sarah Minchin Barker

Harry Lee Barnes, M.D.

Miss Sarah Dyer Barnes

Miss Hattie B. Barns

Mr. Fred H. Barrows

Mr. Earl G. Batty

Mrs. Daniel Beckwith

Mrs. Herbert G. Beede

Mr. Horace G. Belcher

Mr. Horatio E. Bellows

Mr. Bruce M. Bigelow

Mr. George E. Bixby

Mr. Zenas W. Bliss
Mrs. Edward W. Blodgett
G. Alder Blumer, M.D.
Mr. J. J. Bodell
Mrs. Theodore P. Bogert
Harold Bowditch, M.D.
Mr. Richard LeB. Bowen
Mr. Claude R. Branch
Mrs. William C. H. Brand
Miss Alice Bray ton
Miss Elizabeth H. Brayton
Miss Ida F. Bridgham
Mr. Herbert O. Brigham
Mr. William E. Brigham
Mrs. William E. Brigham
Miss Eva St. C. Brightman
Mrs. Clarence A. Brouwer
Mr. Clarence Irving Brown
Mr. Cyrus P. Brown
Mr. Frank Hail Brown
Mrs. Frank Hail Brown
Miss Isabel R. Brown
Mr. John Nicholas Brown
Madelaine R. Brown, M.D.
Mr. Wilbur D. Brown
Mr. Alfred S. Brownell
Capt. Ernest H. Brownell
Mr. Edward C. Bucklin
Mr. Harris H. Bucklin
Miss Clara Buffum
Mr. Frederick H. Buffum
Mr. Edward J. C. Bullock
Mrs. Edward' J. C. Bullock
Rev. Paul E. Burhoe
Mr. Edwin A. Burlingame
Mr. Raymond Buss
Mr. Alfred T. Butler

LIST OF MEMBERS

Miss Irene B. Butler
Mr. G. Edward Buxton
Mrs. S. H. Cabot
Mrs. Edwin A. Cady
Mr. John H. Cady
Mrs. Charles A. Calder
Miss Helen G. Calder
Frank T. Calef, M.D.
Mr. Herbert C. Calef
Mrs. Walter R. Callender H
Mrs. Wallace Campbell
Mr. Emilio N. Cappelli
Mr. Thomas B. Card
Mrs. George W. Carr
Mr. Edward Carrington
Mrs. Marion P. Carter
Miss Anna H. Chace
Mr. Malcolm G. Chace
Mr. Henry S. Chafee
Mrs. Everitte-S. Chaffee
Prof. Robert F. Chambers
Mr. Arthur D. Champlin
Mr. George B. Champlin
Mr. George Allen Chandler
Miss Anna Chapin
Charles V. Chapin, M.D.
Mrs. Charles V. Chapin
Mr. Howard M. Chapin
Mrs. Howard M. Chapin
Mr. William P. Chapin
Mr. Frederic L. Chase
Julian A. Chase, M.D.
Edmund D. Chesebro, M.D.
Mr. Albert W. Clanin
Mrs. Edward S. Clark
Mr. Prescott O. Clarke
Mr. J. Earl Clauson
Mr. Eugene A. Clauss
Prof. Theodore Collier
Mrs. Clarkson A. Collins, Jr.
Mr. James C. Collins
Mr. Edward L. Coman
Mr. Jonathan F. Comstock
Mrs. Mabel B. Comstock
Mrs. W. A. H. Comstock

Mr. Walter J. Comstock

Mr. William P. Comstock

Mr. Charles D. Cook

Mrs. Charles D. Cook

Mr. Albert B. Coulters

Prof. Verner W. Crane

Mr. Frank H. Cranston

George H. Crooker, M.D.

Mr. Harry Parsons Cross

Frank Anthony Cummings, M.D.

Mrs. Frank Anthony Cummings

Prof. S. Foster Damon

Murray S. Danforth, M.D.

Mrs. Murray S. Danforth

Mr. William C. Dart

Mr. Foster B. Davis

Miss Mary Elliott Davis

Mrs. R. C. Davis

Mr. Charles J. Davol

Mr. Herbert R. Dean

Mrs. Thomas Hart deCoudres

Prof. Edmund B. Delabarre

Mr. Paul C. DeWolf

Miss Alice S. Dexter

Miss Eunice W. Dexter

Mr. Henry C. Dexter

Mr. Walter Frederick Dickinson

Miss Louise Diman

Mrs. Harriet M. F. Dixon

John E. Donley, M.D.

Mr. Michael F. Dooley

Mr. Louis W. Downes

Mrs. Louis W. Downes

Mrs. George E. Downing

Mr. Robert T. Downs

Mr. Charles L. Drown

Mr. David Duncan

Mr. Henry A. DuVillard

Miss Margarethe L. Dwight

Miss Anna Jones Dyer

Mr. H. Anthony Dyer

Mr. William Allan Dyer

Mr. Charles G. Easton

Mr. Frederick W. Easton

Mr. Alfred U. Eddy

KHOOK ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Mr. Cyrus T. Eddy
Miss Isabel Eddy
Mr. William Holden Eddy
Miss Harriet C. Edmonds
Miss Edith Edwards
Mrs. Seeber Edwards
Mr. Walter Angell Edwards
Mr. James Elgar
Mr. Zenas H. Ellis
Mr. William Ely
Mr. Frank W. Emerson
Mr. Robert S. Emerson
Mr. Ralph C. Estcs
Mr. William Wood Estes
Mrs. William Wood Estes
Mr. Charles Owen Ethier
Mr. Royal Bailey Farnum
Mr. Walter F. Farrell
Mrs. Irving Fisher
Mr. Augustus H. Fiske
Mrs. Charles Fletcher
Mr. Elliot Flint
Hon. William S. Flynn
Mrs. Lawrence B. Fogarty
Mr. Allan Forbes
Mrs. George H. Fowler
Mr. Hovey T. Freeman
Mrs. John R. Freeman
Mr. Joseph W. Freeman
Hon. G. Frederick Frost
Mr. William Congdon Fry
Mr. Frederick H. Fuller
Mr. R. Clinton Fuller
Frank T. Fulton, M.D.
Mmc. Annita Gaburri
Hon. Joseph H. Gainer
Mrs. Robert Ives Gammell
Mr. William Gammell
Mr. William Gammell, Jr.
Miss Abbie P. Gardner
George W. Gardner, M.D.
Prof. Henry B. Gardner
Mrs. John T. Gardner
Mr. Preston H. Gardner
Mr. Daniel F. George

Mrs. Louis C. Gerry

Hon. Peter G. Gerry

Mrs. Peter G. Gerry

Mrs. Alice C. Gleeson

Mr. Robert H. I. Goddard

Rabbi Israel M. Goldman

Mr. George T. Gorton

Mr. Harry Hale Goss

Mrs. Richard Rathborne Graham

Mrs. A. L. Grant

Mr. Eugene S. Graves

Mrs. Eugene S. Graves

Miss Eleanor B. Green

Gov. Theodore Francis Green

Mr. Edward Aborn Greene

Miss Esther F. Greene

Mr. Thomas C. Greene

Mr. Ralph M. Greenlaw

Mr. William B. Greenough

Mr. Russell Grinnell

Mr. E. Tudor Gross

Mrs. Harold J. Gross

Mr. R. F. Haffenreffer

Hon. J. Jerome Hahn

Mr. John W. Haley

Miss Annette Mason Ham

Mrs. Livingston Ham

Mrs. Albert G. Harkness

Mr. Gilbert A. Harrington

Mr. Benjamin P. Harris

Miss Mary A. Harris

Mr. Stephen C. Harris

Mrs. Earl C. Hart

Mr. Everett S. Hartwell

N. Darrell Harvey, M.D.

Prof. William T. Hastings

Mr. William A. Hathaway

Miss Caroline Hazard

Mr. Rowland Hazard

Mr. Thomas G. Hazard, Jr.

Mr. Charles F. Heartman

Mrs. W. E. Heathcote

Prof. James B. Hedges

Mr. Bcrnon E. Helme

Mr. John Hcnshaw

LIST OF MEMBERS

Mr. Joseph G. Henshaw
Mr. Robert W. Herrick
Mr. G. Burton Hibbert
Mr. William A. Hill
Mr. Frank L. Hinckley
Mr. William L. Hodgman
Mrs. William L. Hodgman
Mrs. William H. Hoffman
Mrs. John S. Holbrook
Mr. George J. Holden *

Mrs. John W. Holton
Mr. Charles A. Horton
Mrs. C. H. Horton
Mr. Frederic W. Howe
Mr. M. A. DeWolfe Howe
Mr. Wallis E. Howe
Mrs. Richard G. Howland
Mrs. William Erwin Hoy
Mrs. George H. Huddy, Jr.
Mr. Sidney D. Humphrey
Mr. Horatio A. Hunt
Mr. S. Foster Hunt
Mrs. Duncan Hunter
Mr. George Hurley
Mr. Richard A. Hurley
Mr. James Hazen Hyde
Mrs. C. Oliver Iselin
Mr. Norman M. Isham
Miss Mary A. Jack
Mr. Benjamin A. Jackson
Mrs. Donald E. Jackson
Mr. Thomas A. Jenckes
Mr. George A. Jepherson
Mrs. Edward L. Johnson
George F. Johnson, M.D.
Mr. William C. Johnson
Dr. Lewis H. Kalloch
Mr. Francis B. Keeney
Mrs. Ellsworth L. Kelley
Mr. Howard R. Kent
Mr. Charles H. Keyes
Mr. H. Earle Kimball
Eugene P. King, M.D.
Mrs. Eugene P. King
Lucius C. Kingman, M.D.

Mrs. C. Prescott Knight
Mr. C. Prescott Knight, Jr.
Mrs. C. Prescott Knight, Jr.
Mr. Robert L. Knight
Mrs. Robert L. Knight
Mr. Russell W. Knight
Mrs. Webster Knight
Prof. Harry L. Koopman
Mr. John Krawczuk
Mrs. Henry S. Lanpher
Mrs. Dana Lawrence
Mr. George R. Lawton
Charles H. Leonard, M.D.
Miss Grace F. Leonard
Mrs. Austin T. Levy
Mr. Dexter L. Lewis
Mr. Joseph W. Lewis
Mr. Ferdinand A. Lincoln
Mrs. Charles Warren Lippitt
Mr. Charles Warren Lippitt
Mrs. Frances Pomeroy Lippitt
Mr. Gorton T. Lippitt
Hon. Henry F. Lippitt
Mr. Arthur B. Lisle
Mrs. Arthur B. Lisle
Mr. Alden L. Littlefield
Mrs. Alden L. Littlefield
Mr. Charles W. Littlefield
Mr. Ivory Littlefield
Rev. Augustus M. Lord, D.D.
Mr. T. Robley Louttit
Mr. W. Easton Louttit, Jr.
Mr. David B. Lovell, Jr.
Mr. Albert E. Lownes
Mr. Harold C. Lyman
Mr. Richard E. Lyman
Mr. William A. McAuslan
Mrs. William A. McAuslan
Mr. Kenneth D. MacColl
Mr. Norman A. MacColl
Mr. William B. MacColl
Mr. Arthur M. McCrillis
Miss Grace E. Macdonald
Mr. Benjamin M. MacDougall
Mr. Charles B. Mackinney

RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Mrs. Herbert E. Maine
Mrs. William L. Manchester
Mr. Charles C. Marshall
Mr. Edgar W. Martin
Mrs. John F. Marvel
Mr. Fletcher S. Mason
Mr. Harold Mason
Mr. John H. Mason
Mrs. William B. Mason
Mrs. George S. Mathews
Mr. Archibald C. Matteson
Mr. William L. Mauran
Mrs. William L. Mauran
Mrs. Frank Everitt Maxwell
Mr. Harry V. Mayo
Rev. Charles A. Meader
Mr. W. Granville Meader
Mrs. Charles H. Merriman
Mrs. E. Bruce Merriman
Mr. Harold T. Merriman
Mr. I. B. Merriman
Mrs. I. B. Merriman
Mrs. E. T. H. Metcalf
Mr. G. Pierce Metcalf
Mr. Houghton P. Metcalf
Mrs. I. Harris Metcalf
Hon. Jesse H. Metcalf
Mrs. Jesse H. Metcalf
Mr. Stephen O. Metcalf
Mr. William Davis Miller
Mrs. William Davis Miller
Mr. George L. Miner
Hon. Louis Monast
Mr. G. A. Moriarty, Jr.
Mrs. William Robert Morrison
Mrs. Bentley W. Morse
Mr. Jarvis M. Morse
Mr. Edward S. Moulton
Mrs. Edward S. Moulton
William M. Muncy, M.D.
Walter L. Munro, M.D.
Prof. Wilfred H. Munro
Mr. Addison P. Munroe
Mrs. Addison P. Munroe
Mr. Walter M. Murdie

Mrs. James A. Nealey

Mr. George P. Newell

Mr. Louis C. Newman

Mrs. Louis C. Newman

Miss Eliza Taft Newton

Mr. Roger Hale Newton

Mr. Paul C. Nicholson

Mr. Samuel M. Nicholson

Mr. Elmer D. Nickerson

Ira Hart Noyes, M.D.

Miss Mary Olcott

Mrs. Frank F. Olney

Mr. Harald W. Ost'by

Mr. Harry C. Owen

Rev. Anthony R. Parshley

Mr. Edmund H. Parsons

Mr. G. Richmond Parsons

Mrs. G. Richmond Parsons

Miss Mary H. Parsons

Mr. Frederick S. Peck

Mrs. Frederick S. Peck

Mr. Horace M. Peck

Mr. Stephen I. Peck

Mr. William H. Peck

Mr. William T. Peck

Mrs. F. H. Peckham

Katherine F. Peckham, M.D.

Mr. Augustus R. Peirce

Mr. Clarence E. Peirce

Mr. George E. Peirce

Mrs. George E. Peirce

Mr. John P. B. Peirce

Mr. Charles M. Perry

Mr. Howard B. Perry

Rt. Rev. James DeWolf Perry, D.D.

Mr. Marsden J. Perry

John M. Peters, M.I).

Mr. Arthur L. Philbrick

Mr. Charles H. Philbrick

Mr. Arthur S. Phillips

Mrs. Frank N. Phillips

Mr. Kmi! G. Pieper

Mr. Byron A. Pierce

Mr. Thomas L. Pierce

Mr. Albert H. Poland

LIST OF MEMBERS

Prof. Albert K. Potter
Dr. Arthur M. Potter
Mr. B. Thomas Potter
Mrs. Dexter B. Potter
Mrs. T. I. Hare Powel
Mr. Howard W. Preston
Mrs. Howard W. Preston
Mr. Robert S. Preston
Miss Evelyn M. Purdy
Helen C. Putnam, M.D.
Mr. Patrick H. Quinn
Mrs. George R. Ramsbottom
Mr. Walter E. Ranger
Mrs. C. K. Rathbone
Hon. Elmer J. Rathbun
Mrs. Irving E. Raymond
Mrs. Joseph H. Regester
Mr. Charles C. Remington
Rhode Island State College
Mr. Dana Rice
Mr. Herbert W. Rice
Mr. John B. Richards
Gen. John J. Richards
Miss Louise Richardson
Mr. Henry Isaac Richmond
Mrs. George W. H. Ritchie
Mr. Leonard M. Robinson
Mr. Louis E. Robinson
Mr. Robert Rodman
Rev. Arthur Rogers
Mr. Henry W. Sackett
Mr. Kenneth Shaw Safe
Mrs. Harold P. Salisburv
Mr. Henry Salomon
Mrs. G. Coburn Sanctuary
Mrs. George C. Scott
Mrs. David S. Seaman
Mr. Henry M. Sessions
Miss Ellen D. Sharpe
Mr. Henry D. Sharpe
Eliot A. Shaw, M.D.
Mrs. Frederick E. Shaw
Mrs. George St. J. Sheffield
Mr. Charles Shepard
Mr. Clarence E. Sherman

Mr. Edward A. Sherman
Mr. Harry B. Sherman
Mrs. Arthur F. Short
Mrs. Philip B. Simonds
Mrs. Charles Sisson
Mrs. Byron N. H. Smith
Mrs. Charles H. Smith
Edgar B. Smith, M.D.
Mrs. Edwin C. Smith
Joseph Smith, M.D.
Mr. Nathaniel W. Smith
R. Morton Smith, M.D.
Mr. Walter B. Smith
Mr. Ward E. Smith
Mrs. Whitney Smith
Mr. Sylvester M. Snow
Mr. William A. Spicer
Hon. Ernest L. Sprague
Mrs. James G. Staton
Hon. Charles F. Stearns
Mr. Thomas E. Steere
Mr. Oscar Frank Stetson
Mr. Frederick A. Stevens
Miss Maud Lyman Stevens
Mr. Edward Clinton St;ness
Mr. Henry Y. Stites
Mrs. Charles C. Stover
Mr. Charles T. Straight
Mr. H. Nelson Street
Mr. Henry A. Street
Mr. Rush Sturges
Hon. Arthur P. Sumner
Mr. Frank H. Swan
Hon. John W. Sweeney
Miss Louisa A. Sweetlanci
Mr. Robert W. Taft
Mr. Royal- C. Taft
Prof. Will S. Taylor
Benjamin F. Tefft, M.D.
Mrs. J. P. Thorndike
Mr. John A. Tillinghast
Louisa Paine Tingley, M.D.
Mr. F. L. Titsworth
Mrs. William O. Todd
Mrs. Stacy Tolman

RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Mr. Frederick E. Tripp

Mr. William J. Tully

Mrs. Albert C. Tyler

Mr. D. Berkeley Updike

Mr. William H. Vanderbilt

Mr. William A. Viall

Mrs. Arthur M. Walker

Mr. A. Tingley Wall

Mrs. Maurice K. Washburn

Mr. Frederick V. Waterman

Mrs. Lewis A. Waterman

Prof. Arthur E. Watson

Mr. Byron S. Watson

Mr. Edward L. Watson

Mr. John J. Watson

Mr. W. L. Watson

Mrs. William B. Weeden

Mr. Edward H. Weeks

Mrs. Edward H. Weeks

Mr. Richard Ward Greene Welling

Mr. John H. Wells

Mr. Edward H. West

Mr. Thomas H. West, Jr.

Mrs. Elizabeth Nicholson White

Mr. Willis H. White

Mrs. Henry A. Whitmarsh

Mr. Roy F. Whitney

Mr. Frederick Bernays Wiener

Mr. Frank J. Wilder'

Mrs. Elizabeth K. Wilkinson

Mr. Daniel L. Willmarth, Jr.

Miss Amey L. Wilson

Mr. Percy J. Wilson

Mr. William A. Wing

Mr. Wilson G. Wing

Mrs. George P. Winship

Mrs. C. Howard Wood

Rev. William Worthington

Mr. Carlos G. Wright

Mr. Nathan M. Wright

Mr. Lawrence C. Wroth

Mr. Frederick W. York

The Minutes of the Westconnaug Purchase

Transcribed by THEODORE G. FOSTER

{Continued fro/;/ vol. XXVI, fage 98)

By Virtue of the above Precept the Proprietors whose
Names are underwritten met and Chose Capt. Ben-
jamin Ellery Moderator And appointed Col Sylvester
Richmond Zuriel Waterman and William Wanton a Com-
mittee to inspect the Plat"si that Col Daniel Abbot pre-
sented and adjourned to July 3d at Eight in the Morning

July the 3d 1734 According to Adjournment the

Proprietors underwritten met Voted that Capt

Thomas Harris have a piece of Land about Thirteen Acres
adjoining on Nicholas Harris and Samuel Winsor it being
in Line of Lawrince Springer

Half Share Head Lot not laid out to him said Springer on
the Colony Line

l8The original of this plat is in the office of the Town Clerk of Foster.
There is .i copj in the R. I. H. S. Library, R. 1. .Atlas XI 11, pages 1-4.

WESTCONNAUG 25

The Committee then returned with the Plat and re-
ported that there was little or no Difference between this
and that of the First Division Second Division as to Quan-
tity of Land

Voted that said Plat is received, which Plat bears
Date July the Second 1 734 and is called Col Abbots Second
Plat

Voted that Col. Abbdts Ace* of £3 1 . . 0 . be

allowed - £31 . . 10

Voted that Capt. Thomas Harris Ace* of

£10 . . 10 be allowed 10 . . 10

Voted that Thomas Parkers Ace1 of £9 . . 6 . .

be allowed ------------9. .6

Voted that Thos Angell Ace' of £8 .. 14 be

allowed 8 . . 14

Voted that Ishmall Spinks Ac' of £12 .. 0 be

allowed 12

Voted that James Shertons Ace' be allowed 6

The Account brought from the other Side £72 . . 6
Voted that Joseph Knight Account be allowed . . . 8 . . 9
Voted that Zachariah Rhodes Ace' of Seventeen

Pounds Ten Shillings be allowed deducting

Six Pounds 11 . . 10

Voted that Major James Brown Ace' be allowed 6
Voted that Cap4 Benja Ellerys Ace' be allowed . . 4
Voted that Major Job Greenes Account be

allowed for Service 6

Voted that Ishmall Spinks Ace' of Twenty one be

allowed deducting Six Pounds Ten Shillings 1 5

£123.5

Voted that Zuriel Waterman demand the original Agree-
ment between Providence and Westquanaug and forthwith
to put the same on Record in the Town Clerks office in

26 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Providence and also to put it on Record in Scituate in the
Town Clerks office and that said Waterman be allowed
Twenty Shillings for his Trouble.

Voted that the Four Parcels of Land that appear to be
undivided in Col0, Abbots Plat dated July 2d 1 734 Quan-
tity /viz/ 451 Acres 263 D° 62 D° 284 D° to be sold
forthwith to the highest bidder there

And that the Clerk of the Proprietors Major Greene
give Deeds for the same taking Bonds in his own Name for
the use of the Proprietors

Voted that William Wanton Junr Sell the undivided
Land above to the highest Bidder forthwith among the
Proprietors and their Representatives now convened which
accordingly was done and
Joseph Rhodes bought 263

Nicholas Carr bought 284 said Rhodes to give one Hun-
dred and Three pounds and said Carr to give One Hundred
and Ten pounds Major Job Greene bought 451 . for one
Hundred and Sixty Nine pounds Col° Sylvester Rich-
mond 62 for Twenty Two pounds

For as much as Major Job Greene has purchased 451.
It is Voted that Capt Benjamin Ellery Give a Deed to said
Greene of said Purchase taking a Bond in his own Name for
the use of the Proprietors . . .

Voted that there be Two Plats drawn by Zuriel Water-
man from Col0- Abbots Plat date July 2'L 1734 and one of
them to be lodged at Newport and one in Providence and
the Original in Scituate and all to be recorded in each Town
Clerks office .... Mr Zuriel Waterman to see the orig-
inal Recorded in Scituate That at Newport by Benjamin
Ellery and That at Providence by said Waterman and the
whole to be paid by the Clerk of the Proprietors as soon as
he shall receive the Money for the undivided Land sold to
Joseph Rhodes Nicholas Carr Major Job Greene Col0 Syl-
vester Richmond

WESTCONNAUG 27

Dr The Proprietors of Westquanaug . . . Contra Credit

To Sundry Accounts £123 . 5 .

Bv Lands Sold Joseph

To Zuriel Waterman 1 . . 0

Rhodes £103.0

To Zuriel Waterman for

By D° to Nich. Carr . . 110.0

Platts 5 . .

By D° Major Job Green 169.

To Deeds at 16

By D° Col° Richmond . 22

130 .. 1

£404

Due to the Proprietors 273 . . 19

£404*. . 0
Voted that Zuriel Waterman be paid by the Clerk Five
pounds for the Drawing and Compleating the Two Plats
Voted that the Clerk pay to all whole Share man in pro-
portionable part of the Money which the undivided Land
sold for as soon as the Money comes into his Hands others
in in Proportion

Voted that there be a Book bought at the Charge of the
Proprietors -to transcribe these Records as the Clerk shall
think proper

Voted that what has passed shall be binding to all the
Proprietors their Heirs and Assigns forever

Voted that the former Committee be still a Committee
till further orders also the clerk

Voted that this Meeting be dissolved and it is hereby
pr Order Job Greene Clerk

At a Meeting of the Proprietors of the Westquanaug
Purchase held by Adjournment at the House of Jeremish
Angell Esq in Scituate on the First Monday in April which
is on the Second Day of said Month AD 1770
Thomas Hill Moderator

Whereas at a Meeting of the above said Proprietors held
at the House of Mr. Peter Cooke in Scituate on the First
Tuesday of November last it was votd and orderd that the
Clerk should make a New Book and transcribe in the
Original Records of the Westquanaug Purchase -
They being of long Standing and some what worne

28 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Therefor the Clerk according: to order hath trans-

cribed the same and they being read and examined at the
aforesaid Meeting on the Second Day of April A D 177Q
and found to be a true Transcript of the Original Records
of the aforesaid Purchase

Therefore Voted that the aforesaid Transcript Records
is Received and accepted of by the aforesaid Proprietors to
be valid and of equal force with the original. - And this is
the same transcribed Book as aforesaid

Test Thomas Brown Proprietors Clerk

The above preceeding Eleven Pages contain a true Copy
from Mr Thomas Browns Transcript of the Records of the
Proprietors of the Westquanaug Purchase as certified by
him .... Copied by Me into this Book Since Sat-
urday Morning Last when I began this Copy and finished
it on Monday Afternoon November 8th A D 1813 . .
Mr Fleet Brown Son of the above namd Thomas Brown
who is now the Clerk of the Proprietors Lent the said

Records to Me Said Fleet Brown being

Grandson of Major James Brown Who was appointed one
of the New Committee July 14th 1715 . . . Mr Fleet
Brown informs that his Grand Father married Three Times
to Judith Fleet to Katherine Greene and "
Mr Fleet Brown passed a considerable part of this after-
noon with Me, at my House, in Foster . . . being
present when Mr James Durfey called and informed of
the Death of Mr Amos Hammond in the 78th Year of his
Age one of my Neighbours who died yesterday a worthy
Industrious Man . . . This is Written a Little before
the Setting of the Sun Monday Afternoon November 8th
1813
pr Theodore Foster

At a Meeting of the Proprietors and Owners of the
Lands in the Westquanaug Purchase so called at the House

'''The third name was left out hv Mr. Foster.

WESTCONNAUG 29

of Peter Cooke Innholder in Scituate within said Purchase
on the 24th Day of October A D 1 768 . . By Virtue of a
Warrant at the Request of Sundry of the Proprietors of the
Purchase aforesaid Signed by Thomas Hill of Scituate
abovesaid Esq . . said Warrant is Dated Oct0. 4. 1768
Thomas Hill Chosen Moderator of this Meeting
Thomas Brown chosen Proprietors Clerk and engaged

Voted that the Clerk keep the Original Records of said
Proprietors and is hereby empowered to give authenticate
copies thereof under his Hand

Voted that the Clerk give Notes in the Providence
Gazette' "' ' Three Weeks before the First Monday in April
next. . . That the Proprietors choose a Committee &
Surveyor for said Purchase and to transact any other neces-
sary Matters relative to said Purchase

Voted that the aforesaid Meeting be adjourned to the
First Monday in April next at the House of Jeremiah
Angell Esq in said Scituate at Ten °Clock on said Day
Thomas Brown Proprietors Clerk

At a Meeting of the Proprietors of the Westquanaug
Purchase held by Adjournment at the Hous of Jeremiah
Angell Esq on the First Monday of April A D 1769

Thomas Hill chosen Moderator
Voted that Capt Andrew Angell be a Surveyor for said
Purchase

Voted that Capt Christopher Relp Thomas Hill Esq and
Mr Peter Cook be a committee for said Purchase
Voted that the original Warrant for having a Proprietors
Meeting be put upon Record in the Proprietors Clerks
Office

Voted by this Meeting that as the original Plat of the
Westquanaug Purchase was not accepted by the original
Proprietors to allow any of the Original Bounds made by
the Surveyors and Committee of said Purchase But

20This advertisement appeared in the Providence Gazette of March
11, 18, and 25, 1769.

30 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

the true intent and Meaning of the Original Plat was and
is to establish the Original Bounds made in said Pur-
chase

Voted that this Meeting do and has acepted of the Plat
aforesaid in the Manner and Form above described

Test Thomas Brown Proprietors Clerk

Voted that the original Plat be requested out of the
Possession of Gidion Harris Esq and delivered to Capt
Thomas Relph and Mr Peter Cooke who are chosen a
Committee to receive the same and deliver in to Thomas
Brown Clerk of Said Purchase

By a Vote of this Meeting the said Meeting adjourned
to the First Tuesday in Nov: next at the Hous of Mr Peter
Cook Innholder in Scituate in said Purchase at Twelve
°Clock in said Day

Test Thomas Brown Proprietors

Clerk

Whereas a Request hath been made to Me the

L S. Subscriber by William Rhodes Benjamin Wright

Thomas Relph Robert Potter James Thornton

and Sundry others of the Proprietors and owners

of the Westquanaug Purchase (so called) that a Warrant

be issued to Notify the Proprietors and Owners of said

Purchase to meet together at the Dwelling House of Mr

Peter Cook Innholder at Ten "Clock in the Forenoon of

Said Day:

Providence to wit To the Town Serjeant or others
of the Constables in the Town of Scituate in the County
of Providence ....

Greeting

You are hereby in his Majesty's Name George the

Third King of Great Britain &c required to warn and give

timely Notice to all the Proprietors and owners of the

Westquanaug Purchase (so called) That they meet at the

WESTCONNAUG 31

Dwelling House of Mr Peter Cook Innholder in Scituate
in said Purchase abovesaid on Monday this Twenty fourth
Day of this Instant October at Ten of the Clock in the
Forenoon in said Day then and there to make Choice of a
Clerk for the Proprietors and Owners of the Purchase of
abovesaid and also to take into Consideration the Dispute
and Disagreement there is between the Bounds of the Lots
and the Plat of the Purchase abovesaid and like wise to act
and transact such other Business as shall be by them thought
needful Hereof fail not but true Return make with your
Doings there or given at the time & place abovesaid Given
under my Hand & Seal at Scituate aforesaid the Fourth
Day of October in the Eighth Year of the Said Majestys
Reign AD 1768

Thomas Hill Justice of the Peace

Pursuant to the above Warrant I have give timely Notice
to the above Proprietors as Witness my Hand this 24th
Day of October A D 1768

pr Josiah Herrinton Constable

Officer Fees [illegible] at Seven Shillings

May the 24th 1 769 The above and foregoing Warrant is a

true copy of the Original

Test Thomas Brown Proprietors Clerk

At a Meeting of the Proprietors of the Westquanaug Pur-
chase held by adjournment at the House of Peter Cook
Innholder in Scituate in said Purchase on the First Tuesday
of November A D 1769 . .

Thomas Hill Moderator

Charles Harris Esq is chosen Surveyor in said Purchase in
the Room of Capt Andrew Angell who refused and also
the former Committee are continued

Voted that the Clerk transcribe the original Records
in said Purchase in a Book suitable for the same which he
is to deliver to the next Proprietors Meeting for their
Approbation .

32 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

This Meeting is adjournd to Jeremiah Angells
Esq in Scituate on the First Monday in April next
at 12 "Clock in said Day

per Order Thomas Brown Proprietors clerk

At a Meeting of the Proprietors of the Westquanaug Pur-
chase held by adjournment at the House of Jeremiah
Angell Esq in Scituate on the First Monday in April on
the Second Day of said Month A D 1770.'

Thomas Hill Moderator

Whereas at a Meeting of said Proprietors held at the
House of Peter Cooke in Scituate on the First Tuesday in
November it was votd and orderd that the Clerk should
make a New Book and transcribe the original Records of
the Westquanaug Purchase they being of a long Standing
and Some worn therefore the Clerk according to order
hath transcribed the same and they being read and exam-
ined at the above said Meeting on the Second Day of April
A D 1 770 are found to be a true Transcript of the original
Records of said Purchase Therefore Voted that the afore-
said Transcribed Record is received and accepted by the
aforesaid Proprietors to be valid and of equal Form with
the Original

Voted that Mr William West and Thomas Hill Esq
or either of them be a Committee to enquire after the
Thirteen Papers mentiond in the Original Records of said
Purchase and receive the same and deliver them to the
Proprietors of the aforesaid Purchase

This Meeting is adjourned to the First Monday in
October next which is on the First Day of said Month at
1 0 °Clock in the Forenoon in said Day at the House of
Capt Peter Cook in Scituate in said Purchase

Test Thos Brown Proprietors Clerk

Just issued , 1933

The CORRESPONDENCE
of ESEK HOPKINS

First Commander-in-Chief of the United States Navy

' I VHE correspondence of the first commander-in-chief of the
■*■ United States Navy throws much light on the very beginning
of our navy, and contains letters from many persons prominent in
public life in those times.

Ever>' student of naval affairs, and every person interested in
the United States Navy will find much of interest and value in
this volume. As a source reference book on American history,
and on the development of our navy, this book deserves a place
on the shelves of all American historical libraries.

It is published by the Rhode Island Historical Society from
the original manuscripts in its library, as a volume of 101 pages
with an introduction by William Davis Miller, in a limited edition
of 200 copies. The price is $2.50 post paid. This volume completes
the series.

Special Price to Members $2.00

Roger Williams Press HA» E- a- Johnson Co

providence

Rhode Island

Historical Society

Collections

Vol. XXVII

APRIL, 1934

•'^..

No. 2

r }

::..:■::■■. ^^

SADDLE AND PILLION ON WHICH LAFAYETTE RODE IN COMPANY

WITH MISS ABIGAIL HAZARD WHEN ON A VISIT TO THE HOME OF

HER FAMILY IN THE SOUTH COUNTY.

Now in the Society's Museum.

Issued Quarterly

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island

CONTENTS

PAGE

Lafayette's Saddle Cover

Fox Hunting in Colonial Rhode Island

by William Davis Miller .... 33

Goddard Clock . . . . . . 37

The Dee River of 1583

by William B. Goodwin . . . . 38

Indian beads ....... 45

Counterfeiting in Colonial Days

by Edward H. West 50

Roger Williams' Funeral .... 54

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . 54

Lafayette's overshoes and a Lafayette medal . . 55

New Members . . . . . . 56

Lafayette Centenary . . . • • • 56

The Westconnaug Purchase

by Theodore G. Foster .... 57

Treasurer's report . . . . . • 61

RHODE
HISTORICAL

ISLAND

SOCIETY

COLLECTIONS

Vol. XXVII

APRIL, 1934

No. 2

H. Anthony Dyer, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.

Fox Hunting in Colonial Rhode Island

By William Davis Miller

In a paper recently read before the American Antiquarian
Society,1 I considered at some length the lack of historical
evidence in support of the tradition that the fox was hunted
with "hound and horn" in the Narragansett Country and
upon the island of Rhode Island in Colonial days. Since
then, the tradition having again been presented as a fact,2 it
seems proper that reasons against the acceptance of this
legend as a fact should once more be recited.

In the Narragansett Country this legend is based wholly
upon tradition, and a careful survey of contemporary rec-
ords, diaries and letters produce not the slightest indication
that fox hunting in the approved British manner was ever

xAt the meeting held in Boston in April, 1933.

-New fort, the Cradle of American S forts, a paper read by Maud Howe
Elliott, printed in the Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society, Octo-
ber, 1933.

34 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

enjoyed by the Planters of that district. There are but few
references to dogs in the inventories, and not a word of such
a valuable asset as a pack is mentioned in any document.
There is, furthermore, not a single mention of an organized
hunt, nor of a hunt in any form, in letters or in diaries of the
period. That the fox was hunted is not to be questioned, for
the depredations made upon the barnyard fowls of the
landholders could not have been allowed to pass without
reprisals, but such hunting would appear to have been car-
ried on in the modern South County method with dog
and gun.

The present belief that fox hunting as a sport was a pas-
time of the Narragansett Planters may have had its origin
in two known references accepted without due examination
or consideration, and from which it might appear that the
hunt was enjoyed on the island of Rhode Island. Dean
Berkeley, later to be Bishop of Cloyne, came to the
island in the year 1728. There at his house Whitehall, he-
wrote a series of philosophical dialogues which he entitled
Mciphron; or The Minute Philosopher. In the opening
portion of the Fifth Dialogue' occur these sentences upon
which the fox hunting legend is mainly based: "But we had
hardly seated ourselves and looked about us when we saw a
fox by the foot of our mount run into an adjecent thicket. A
few minutes after, we heard a confused noise of the opening
of hounds, and winding of horns, and the roaring of country
squires." As the description of "our mount" given by Berke-
ley and the view to be seen from its place is without question
Honeyman's Hill, it is understandable to suppose that a
hunt was actually in progress in the immediate vicinity.
Unfortunately for those who would desire to produce this as
evidence of their contention that this was what Berkeley
himself saw, a further and careful examination of Alciphron

''The Works of George Berkeley, etc., Alexander Campbell Fraser,
Oxford, 1901, vol. II, p. 194. Recently this reference to fox hunting was
quoted as from a letter from Berkeley to a friend. If this was true it would
have turned the tables, but as it is, it is a serious error.

FOX HUNTING 35

discloses the fact that while Berkeley made use of the lovely
scenery adjacent to Whitehall as the setting for the philo-
sophical meditations of Crito and his friends, their conserva-
tion and mental attitude show clearly that they considered
themselves in England and not a great distance from
London and further that their actions and the actions of
those about them were those of Englishmen at home.4 Un-
fortunately, apparently to substantiate this mistaken belief
that the hunt actually occurred near Newport, a belief
which Fraser himself would seem to have shared, a footnote
is appended to this colorful account stating: "This spirited
picture of a fox chase is characteristic of Rhode Island when
Berkeley lived there. See my Life and Letters of Berkeley
(1871 ), p. 159."" On examination the passage referred to
in this note discloses simply these words: "And the fox
chase, with hounds and horns, as well as fishing and fowling,
were favorite sports in Narragansett." Fraser, from his own
account, apparently secured his description of the country-
side and life in Narragansett and the island of Rhode Island
by correspondence, and his informant in Narragansett was
one who upheld the fox hunting legend simply by statement
and not with proof.

There is, however, further evidence to be examined. A
later account of life in Newport, during the Revolutionary
period, contains, mainly because of erroneous juxtaposition
in the text, added fuel to the fire which, fortunately, can be
effectively extinguished. In the second volume of France
and New England* the memoirs or journal of Louis, Baron
de Closen, or Von Closen, one of Rochambeau's aides and a
Captain in the Royal Deux Ponts regiment, is quoted with
reference to his impressions while in Newport. Among other

4This conclusion is upheld by Canon Luce of Trinity College, Dublin,
a recent visitor to Rhode Island in connection with his studies relative to
Bishop Berkeley.

5Further, and similar, mention is made on p. 169.

''Allen Forbes and Paul F. Cadman, State Street Trust Co., Boston,
1927, p. 45.

36 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

excerpts from the journal with reference to the beauty of
the ladies, and the customs of the residents is found the fol-
lowing: "through the woods, accompanied by twenty horse-
men. We have forced more than thirty foxes; the packs of
hounds owned by these sportsmen are perfect."

From the context it is quite natural to believe that de
Closen was referring to his visit in Newport and the numer-
ous pleasures he enjoyed, but because of a strong conviction
that the chase was not a sport near Newport, a suspicion
arose that this reference was from a different portion of his
journal, which led to the request that an examination be
made of the manuscript copy in the Library of Congress.7
Through the courtesy of J. F. Jameson, Chief of the Divi-
sion of Manuscripts, this was done and it was found that,
while the sentences quoted in France and New England
were accurately translated, the quotation, had it been con-
tinued two sentences further, would have thrown an entirely
different light on the question. After a long sentence with
reference to the type of fox and its seeming lack of stamina,
the next sentence begins: "Les environs de Williamsburg
favorisent bien cette maniere de chasser ..." So that it was
not in the neighborhood of Newport, but of Williamsburg,
Virginia, where fox hunting had long been enjoyed, that
Rochambeau and his aide followed the hounds8 and found
the packs perfect though the fox was weak.

Therefore, until a contemporary diary, letter or record
comes to light and in which definite mention is made of the
sport in the Colony of Rhode Island, the pleasing tradition
of a pastime of the Squires of Newport and the Planters of
Narragansett must reluctantly be believed a myth. This

"This manuscript copy was made by Worthington C. Ford, Esqr., but
unfortunately, due to the restrictions imposed by the owners of the orig-
inal, it cannot be published. The quotation under discussion appears on
page 29 of the second volume of the manuscript in the Library of Congress.

8J. J. Jusserand, in his With Americans of Past and Present Days, p. 99,
also refers to de Closcn's mention of the fox hunt and he also omits the
reference to Williamsburg.

Goddard Clock

Bequeathed to the Society by C. Pre'scott Knight.

38 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

reluctance was recently expressed by an antiquarian, a New
Englander living in Virginia, when after careful research
being unable to prove what he wished, he wrote: "They
must have used guns after all ! "

The Dec River of 1583

( Now called Narragansett Bay )
and Its Relation to Nornmbega

By William B. Goodwin

In a paper read before the December 12, 1933, meeting
of the Rhode Island Historical Society entitled "The Truth
Concerning Norumbega" as to both its meaning and its
actual location, a part of the proof as to where the river, the
cape, the country and the Indian trading town were all
actually located is taken from a document preserved in the
British Record Office, excerpts from which follow here-
after. This document is a grant by indenture from Sir
Humphrey Gilbert to Sir George Peckham and his son,
George Peckham, dated the last day of February 1583,
and acknowledged before Queen Elizabeth, March 1, of
the same year and enrolled July 1st.

There is a still further agreement1 between Sir Hum-
phrey Gilbert and Sir Thomas Gerrard and Sir George
Peckham, excerpts from which follow. In these two docu-
ments there is a definite description of land, of a river, of
islands within that river, and a section of land amounting
to fifteen hundred thousand acres, lying next west to the
five islands within the bay and river along the sea coast.

'Through the courtesy of Mr. Goodwin, a copy of this document is on
file in the library of the Rhode Island Historical Society.

THE DEE RIVER OF 1583 39

Inasmuch as there has been no attempt to properly locate
the River of Norumbega — although there have been some
writers who have suggested that the Cape of Norumbega is
no other than Cape Cod — the casual reader of these two
documents had no means of knowing where this distinct
allotment of land to Sir George Peckham, his son George
and to Sir Thomas Gerrard actually lay along our sea coast.
However, all the information that Sir Humphrey and his
fellow adventurers or"in fact anybody in England knew in
the year 1583 concerning our coast between Cape Breton
and Spanish Florida, was obtained for them at the behest of
Queen Elizabeth and at her expense through Dr. John Dee
who went to Europe for that purpose, travelling exten-
sively, and who also was to himself receive a very broad
grant above a certain parallel of latitude in payment for his
services.

In these'documents there are references which give us the
key as to where this land actually was to be set off to the
backers of Sir Humphrey Gilbert for their money in ad-
vance to fit out his expeditions, for it distinctly speaks of
the John Dee Bay and River with five islands in it. John
Dee made two maps — one of them for Queen Elizabeth,
and one of them for Sir Humphrey Gilbert — and his map
of North America does not contain on it any reference to the
John Dee Bay and River, nor to the five islands, but the
scribe who wrote this indenture between Sir Humphrey
Gilbert and his backers shows that Sir Humphrey grants —
"all that ryver or porte called, by Master John Dee, Dee
Ryver which Ryver by the discripcon of John Verarzanus,
a Florentyne, lyeth in Septontrionall latitude about fortye
twoo degrees and has his mouth lyinge open to the south
halfe a league broade . . . conteyneth in it selfe five small
Islandes newlie named the Cinque Isles."

By means of this description we know that Narragansett
Bay containing its five islands is intended, for we know that
Verrazano described but two rivers in all his journey from
South Carolina to Labrador- — the one the Hudson and the

40 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

other the Bay of Refuge, where he had refitted his ships
and made friends with the natives and which Bay of Refuge
lay a little to the North and East of the triangular island of
Louisa or Claudia, named for the Queen Mother and
Queen of Francis 1 of France, Verrazano's patron.

In addition, moreover, we have another proof that the
John Dee Bay and River is actually Narragansett Bay be-
cause the articles of indenture go on to grant, in addition
to the river and bay, "Fyftene hundred thousande acres of
ground extende next alongst the sea coaste Westwarde to-
wardes the ryver of Norumbeage".

The description of this amount of land from Point Judith
carries us 60 miles along the coast and 38 miles inland and
is equal to 2356 square miles and would extend about 16
miles west of the Connecticut River, namely to the present
Guilford Harbor. This is the first grant of land in North
America.

Immediately following these indentures, Sir Humphrey
sailed from England and in due course reached St. John's,
Newfoundland, and there started to found a colony among
the fishing vessels, twenty-six of which were in the harbor
when he arrived.

In the end, after a turbulent stay, Sir Humphrey put
to sea and lost still another ship, making his way towards
the John Dee Bay and River, and the Cape and the River
of Norumbega, which had been described by Verrazano.
Eight days out of St. John's he lost another ship and he
turned back with two remaining vessels. Sir Humphrey in
the little "Squirrel", but eight tons, went down, off within
striking distance of the Azores, and the "Golden Hind",
the last of a fine fleet, struggled home to tell the story of
misadventure and defeat. So thus the great intended settle-
ment of part of what is now Rhode Island and Connecticut,
granted with definite bounds, never came to consummation.

THE DEE RIVER OF 1583 41

The Deed of 1583

Writing between Gilbert knt. & Peckham Knt.

Articles Indented of agreemente made concluded and
agreed upon the laste days of Februarie in the fyve and
twentieth yere of the raigne of oure soveraigne ladye Eliza-
bethe by the grace of god Queene of Englande Fraunce
and Irelande defendor of the faithe &c. Betwene Syr
Humfrey Gilbert of Compton in the Countie of Devon
knighte on the one partie and Sir George Peckham of Den-
ham in the Countie of Bucks knighte and George Peckham
his second sonne on the other partie as followeth viz.
Imprimis Whereas oure saide Soveraigne ladye the
Queenes majestie by her graces lettres Patents under the
greate seale of England bearing date at Westminster the
eleventh daye of June in the twentieth yere of her majesties
raigne hath geven and granted unto the said Syr Humfrey
Gilberte his heires and assignes for ever free libertye from
tyme to tyme and at all tymes hereafter forever to discover
searche finde owte and vewe such remote heathen and bar-
borous landes countries and territories not actuallie pos-
sessed of any Christian Prince or people as to him his heires
or assignes and to every or any of them shall seme good and
the same to have holde occupie and enjoye to him and his
heires forever with all commodities Jurisdicions and rialties
both by sea and lande and did likwise by the said lettres
patents for her majestie her heires and Successors geve full
power and authoritie to the saide Sir Humfrey his heires
and assignes and every of them that he and they and every
or any of them shall or maye at every time and tymes here-
after have take and leade in the said voyage to travel thith-
erwardes or to inhabit there with him or them and every or
any of them suche and so many of her majestyes subjectes
as shall willinglie accompanye him and them and every or
any of them with sumciente shippinge and furniture for

4.2 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

their transportacions so that none of the saide persons or
any of them be suche as after the makinge of the said lettres
patents shoulde he speciallie restrayned by our saide sov-
eraigne her heires or successors the statutes or actes of Par-
liamente made againste fugitives or against such as shall
departe remaine or contynue oute of her majesties realme
of Englande withoute licence or any other acte statute lawe
or matter whatsoever to the contrarie in anywise notwith-
standinge as by the saide lettres patentes amongeste other
grauntes articles and libertyes therein conteyned more at
large appeareth. Nowe the saide Sir Humfrey Gilberte as
well for the more spedye execucion of her majesties saide
grauntes and then largmente of her majesties Domynions
and govermente and also for the better encouragemente
of the saide Sir George Peckham and George hys sonne and
their associates in so vvorthie and comendable an enterprise
as also for his and their sure warrante to prosecute the same
orderlie accordinge to the lawes and statutes of this realme.
And in consideracon that the saide Sir George hath dis-
bursed diverse sommes of money and adventured the same
as a principall adventurer with the saide Sir Humfrey as
also for divers other weightie and good consideracions him
the saide Sir Humfrey speciallie movinge for hym his heires
executors administrators and assignes and every of them
doth covenante premise and graunte to and with the saide
George Peckham knighte and George hys sonne their heires
executors administrators and assignes by theis presentes
that the said Sir George Peckham and George his sonne
his and their assignes and associates adventurers and people
and every of them shall and may at all tymes hereafter
and from tyme to tyme forever have and enjoy full power
and free libertie and authoritie by vertue of the saide lettres
patentes to discover searche fynde oute and vewe any landes
Countries or Islandes heretofore not discovered searched
and inhabited by any Christian Prince or people by the
assignemente of the saide Sir Humfrye his heires and suc-
cessors and allso to enjoye to his and their owne use all

THE DEE RIVER OF 1583 43

that ryver or porte called, by Master John Dee, Dee Ryver
which Ryver by the discripcion of John Verarzanus a Flor-
entyne lyeth in Septontrionall latitude about fortye twoo
degrees and has his mouth lyinge open to the South halfe
a league brode or there aboute and enteringe Within the
saide Baye betweene the Easte and the Northe encreaseth
his breadith and contynueth twelve leagues or there abouts
and then maketh a gulfe of twentie leagues compasse or
thereabouts and conteyneth in it selfe five small Islandes
newlie named the Cinque Isles. And the saide gulfe and
the fyve Isles therein and all other Isles lyinge within the
saide Ryver or gulfe together with fyfteene hundred thou-
sande acres or grounde within the supposed contynent ly-
inge nexte adjoininge upon the saide ryver gulfe and fyve
Isles at the choyce of the saide Sir George and George his
yongeste sonne their heires deputies or assignes or any of
them. To have holde and enjoye the saide Isle and Islande
together with the saide fyfteene hundred thousande acres
of landes. [blank to end of line]

to the saide Sir George Peckham and George Peckham their
heires and assignes to hys and their onlie uses forever by
Soccage tenure of the same Sir Humfrye his heyres and
assignes so as the uttermoste parts or lymytts of the saide
Fyftene hundred thousande acres of grounde extende next
alongst the sea coaste Westwarde towardes the ryver of
Norumbeage* above threescore englishe myles in length at
the moste with full powre and aucthoritie to inhabite people
and manure the said Islandes landes countries and terri-
tories with all Jurisdiccions priviledges liberties and roy-
allties both by lande and by sea alongest all the costes of
the saide countries and territories as is aforesaid yeldinge
and payinge unto the saide Sir Humfrye his heires succes-

*In Norumbeage, the "u" is written "v," as is common through the
document. It is followed by four minims, instead of three, and these could
read "un" or "im," though none are dotted. It is, however, probably an
error on the part of the scribe.

44 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

sors or assignes for every thousande acres of grounde of the

saide fiftene hundred thousande acres of grounde after the
firste seaven yeres proporcianallie which the same shalbe
actuallie possessed and manured by the said Sir George
Peckham or George his sonne their heires or assignes five
shillinges and twoo fyfte partes of all the golde silver
pearl e and precious stones there growinge founde had and
gotten oute of the which twoo fyfte partes the Queenes
majesties parte reserved by the lettres patentes ys to be
allowed and deduced. Item that they the saide Sir George
nor George his sonne their heires nor assignes shalbe
charged with any contribucion towards any Warres other
then defends and that onlie by acte of Parliamente of
whiche assemblie the saide Sir George and all those which
shall beare the name of an Associate with hym shalbe as
principall members in every suche Sessions and assemblie.
Item the saide Sir Humfrye for the consideracions afore -
saide doth covenante and graunte for him selfe his heires
successors and assignes and every of them to and with the
saide Sir George Peckham and George his sonne their heires
and assignes and every of them by theis presentes that he
the saide Sir George and George his sonne their heires
assignes and people and every of them shall and maye have
and enjoye free liberties to trade and traffique into all suche
Countries Islandes Isles and territories and into every and
any parte of them which the saide Sir Humfrye his heires
successors or assignes shall possesse by vertue of the Queene
majesties saide lettres patents and his graunte thereof and
also that he the saide Sir George and George hys sonne their
heires and assignes and every of them shall have thexecu
cion of all lawes Ecclesiasticall temporall politique marshall
and Civill both marine and others and every of them aswell
within the precincte of the said fyfteene hundred thousande
acres of grounde as also uppon the sea coste thereof so fan-
as the saide landes shall extende it selfe as aforesaide Item
the saide Sir Humfrye Gilberte for him his heires succes-
sors and assignes doth covenante from tyme to tyme upon

2 >
P 7

< O

46 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

performance of the covenantes in this booke conteyned to
exonerate discharge and sufficient] ie to save harmeles the
saide Sir George and George his sonne theire heires and
assignes and everie of them of and from the Queues majes-
tie her heyres successors and assignes for and concernynge
the payment of the Ewer of golde and silver and other
duties services and demaundes to her majestie her heires
and successors by the saide lettres patents payeble and re-
served and likewise shall and will fynishe suche further and
better assuraunce and assuraunce of the premysses unto the
saide Sir George and George hys sonne their heyres and
assignes forever. Within three monethes nexte after the
hrste and nexte retorne of the saide Sir Humfrye or hys
assignes consortes adventurers or associates from the saide
voyage of discoverye by the saide Sir Humfrye nowe in-
tended in suche manner and sorte as by the saide Sir George
and George hys sonne their heyres or assignes or any of them
or the learned counsell of them or any of them shalbe rea-
sonablie and lawful lye devised and required And the same
Sir George and George hys sonne for them selfs their heires
and assignes and every of them doe covenant premyse and
graunt to and with the saide Sir Humfrey his heires suc-
cessors and assignes and every of them by theise presents
that they the said Sir George and George hys sonne shall
doe their best indevor to procure and obteyne her majesties
leave and good lykeinge that all those whoe have or shall
adventure with the saide Sir Humfrye Sir George or
George hys sonne or eyther of them into the saide Coun-
tries and whose names shalbe entered into a register booke
for that purpose to be made and kepte and shalbe Willinge
to travaile into anye of the saide remote Countries maye
freelye passe into those Countries there to remayne or to
retorne, backe at hys or their, or any of their Will and
Pleasure. And the said Sir George Peckham and George
hys sonne doe further covenant and graunte for them sel\ es
their heires executors and assignes to and with the said Sir
Humfrey Gilbert hys heyres successors and assignes by

THE DEE RIVER OF 1583 47

theis presents that he nor they nor any of them their heires
or assignes shall deferre thexecucon of Justice within their
liberties beinge thereunto required by the saide Sir Hum-
frye hys heyres successors or assignes against any suche as
shall conspire against the person of the saide Sir Humfrey
hys heyres successors or principall assignee or commytt any
capitall offence or shall deteyne or protecte from Justice
any person hys landes or goodes contrarie to the lawes to
be established in therefore mencioned remote countries and
territories nowe ment to be discovered Which the saide
Sir Humfrye Gilbert hys heyres successors or assignes shall
have holde occupie or enjoye by right or tytle under or by
vertue of the Quenes majesties lettres patents to hym
graunted as before is mencioned provided allwaies and
nevertheles yt is concluded condiscended and agreed by and
betwene the saide proties that yf the saide Sir George or
George hys sonne their heyres or assignes shall at any tyme
or tymes hereafter Willinglye Wittinglye and maliciouslye
pretend doe or goe about to doe or willinglye suffer to be
done any manner of acte thinge or things Whatsoever
tendinge to the distruccion or subvercion of the said Sir
Humfrey hys heyres successors or chief assigne or principall
governor or doe or willinglye commytt any acte Whereby
the saide Sir Humfrye hys heyres successors or assignes
shall lose the benefitt of the graunt of the said lettres pat-
ents or he or hys heyres successors or assignes to be by the
Quenes Majestie or her or her successors dissavowed for-
ever or yf he or they doe publiquelye or notoriouslye mayn-
teyne any suche person or persones as shall publiquely or
openlye goe about to distroye or overthrowe the right tytle
or person of the said Sir Humfrye hys heyres successors or
hys chief and principall assigne in princypall governement
or the subversion of the common wealth of the said Sir
Humfrey hys heyres or successors their Countreys or Ter-
rytoryes that then and from thensfourth this present
graunte and all covenants therein conteyned to be come
voide and of none effecte to all entents and purposes as yf

MAP SHOWING IK U I OF I .AN!

>ITIONED IN DEED OF 15 83

50 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

the same hadd never hen had nor made any thinge in these
presents conteyned to the contrarye hereof in any wise not-
withstandinge

In wittnes whereof the parties abovesaid to theise present
articles Indented Interchaungablie have hereunto putt then-
hands and seals yeoven the daye and yere first above written

| At the foot in Latin | And know ye that the first day of
March the year abovesaid the said Humfrey Gylberte,
knight, came before the said Lady the Queen in her
chancery and acknowledged the writing aforesaid and all
and singular in the same contained and specified in form
abovesaid.

Enrolled the first day of July the year abovesaid.
(Close Roll 1154)

Counterfeiting in Colonial Days

Communicated by Edward H. West

The Examination of Nicholas Camp of Rehoboth
taken at Newport 14 August 1 723.

Being at John Butterworths house in Rehoboth on or
about two yeras Past & Said Butterworths wife Lett me
have one three Pound bill which was a counterfitt bill of ye
Provence of the Massochusets Bay She Showed me the
bill when it was about halfe made & She told me She would
( rive me one ten Pound for rise Pounds if I would take
Such bills & Pass them which was the Cause of my Being-
Concerned in the uttering or Passing of a considerable Sum
of Counterfitt Bills which 1 had of Said Butterworths Wife
which three Pound Bill my wife passed to James Dexter at
Providence & 1 never heard of itt Since butt according to

COUNTERFEITING 51

our agreement I Returned thirty Shillings in good bills
afterward in Lue of the three Pound bill the Second bill
I Received of Sd Butterworths wife was a five Pound
Counterfitt bill of the Collony of Rhoad Island I Re-
ceived itt about a month after I Received Said three Pound
Bill & I gott one John Stevens to pass the five Pound bill
unto William Turpin of Providence & he gave him in Lue
thereof two forty Shilling bills & Some Small bills & I
Returned in Lue thereof unto Sd Butterworths wife fifty-
Shillings or thereabouts but Said Stevens Did not know
that itt was a bad bill for I told him I owed Some money
to Sd Turpin and could not well Pay him that therefore
would Desire him to change itt, I passed away at John
Hawses an other five Pound bill to a Providence man &
another five Pound bill to Thomas Rolton and had a three
Pound bill & a ten Shilling and Some oather Small bills in
Change and the "two Last bills was of the Collony of Rhoad
Island and I received them of John Butterworths wife and
Gave one halfe the Sume when Changed according to our
agreement unto her the Said Butterworths wife I having
some Discous with Sd Butterworths wife I asked her how
She Made the bills which She Gave me She told me She
Layed a peas of fine watter starched musoline upon them
& So Pucked out the Letters upon Said musoline & then
Layed the musoline upon a clean Peas of Paper and so
made ye Impresion of the Letters by the Letters Pucked out
on the musoline with a fine Pen She afterward went over
the Letters again as She told me to finish them and I Saw
Israel Peck make a pair of Crows quill and understood itt
was for that Service and Sea the musoline att the Same
time and itt was Pricked out Said Butterworths wife told
me that Daniel Hunt of Rehoboth was Concerned in Pass-
ing Sd Counterfitt bills of her making and that Her brother
Israel Peck came unto her about the time Sd Hunt was
Carryed to Bristall and Examined by Coll Byfiield about
Passing a counterfitt bill and he the Sd Israel Peck then
Desired her to Lett him have what Good bills she had in

52 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

the house that Hunt might make a Great as appearance as
he Could before Coll Byffield but She would not Let Sd
Israel have themLeast Hunt Should would Leave of and
then She Should not Gett her money againe I then asked
her whether Hunt Knowed She had any money & She told
mee he Did for her had Changed a pretty deal for her
about that time & She told me that Her Brothers Israel
Peck & Nicholas Peck Lett him have what Good bills they
had to make his appearance before Sd Coll Byffield Said
Butterworths wife told me that the first bills that She began
to make was of the Collony of Rhoad Island & She likewise
told me that She had Kightean or twenty five Pound bills
by her when her brother Nicholas Peck was in Prison att
Newport for Passing a counterfitt bill and they all Passed
Cleen that She maid only that which was taken with Said
Nicholas Peck & She told me that they durstnot Pass any of
them five Pound bills att Boston for they ware better
Known at Boston than they ware att Rhoad Island & the
Said Israel Peck helped make the body of the bills him
Selfe but Could not finesh any with out her assistance and
Israel Peck told me the Same him Selfe She Likewise told
my wife that her brother Steven Peck had made two bills
one of five Pounds & one twenty Shilling bill and She Said
they would not do and therefore She would burn them and
my wife told me of that My wife told me Likewise that
She went into Butterworths hous & Said Butterworths wife
was making a bill & there Lay by her the musoline while
She was making the bill that was Peicked out for that
Service & She Said to my wife that if She would come to
her house She would Learn her & that she had Larnt Nich-
olas Pecks wife to make them & She could make them as
well as her Selfe & She told me that Joseph Carpender
Received a bill of twenty Shillings of her which was a
counterfitt bill but he returned itt againe unto her and She
gave him an oather in Lue thereof I put away about fifty
Pounds worth of Counterfitt bills of ye Collony of Con-
necticut which I had of Said Butterworths wife and all of

COUNTERFEITING 53

them ware five Pound bills and I lett her have one halfe
the Sum when Changed I had about two hundred & fifty
Pounds in Counterfitt bills of the Collony of Rhoad Island
& the Provence of Massachusets bay of Said Butterworths
wife which 1 Passed away I passed Divis of sd five Pound
Counterfitt bills of the Collony of Connecticut with the
persons hereafter mentioned one to John Bishop one to
Madam Mackintosh one to Philip Tilinghast att Provi-
dence and one to a Connecticut man one to Pratt of Sail-
ham I passed unto James Dexter of Providence a fourty
Shilling bill and my wife passed a five Pound bill unto him
both of them was of the Provence of Massachusetts Bay
I had them of Sd Butterworths wife She gave me two of
these five Pound Bills for one Good one and She made
them boath as She told me by the Good bill I Lett her have
I putt one Hobots name on the back Side of one of them
and that I sent to Josiah Carpendor by my Sister & he re-
ceived itt I passed one twenty Shilling bill of the Collony
of Rhoad Island unto John Frenches wife & her husband
Sent itt to Boston but itt was Returned againe & is now in
the hands of Justice Smith of Rehoboth & Said bill I had of
Said Butterworths wife I passed three bills that was
Counterfitt I had two of them of Sd Butterworths wife
unto Nicholas Pulin and he Paid them away unto Ebenezer
Lyon of the Collony of Connecticut But Sd Pullen did
not Know that they ware Good bills Two of them ware
of ye Collony of Rhoad Island & one of the Provence of
the Massachusets bay the other one I had of Israel Peck

Taken upon Solem oath Nicholas Camp

in Newport above Sd

before me

Sam Cranston Gov

John Coddington Just of Peace

54 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Roger Williams' Funeral*

Memorandum of Historical Farts by B. C. //.

Jany 22, 1822 John Howland this day informed me that
Roger Williams was hurried near Patience Ashtons grave
in land now used and ocupied by Sullivan Dorr as a garden
said P. Ashtons Grave stones I have seen & they have not
been removed until within 5 or 10 years. Howlands infor-
mation was reed from Governour Bowen who received it
from Justice Brown so called (at that time) from his being
a Justice of the peace Brown stated that he recollected the
funeral of Roger Williams very well, that there was a con-
siderable parade at the time & that guns were hred over
his grave, and further stated that he was in the habit of
crossing the Jots in his way to and from the Neck (where
he lived ) & not unfrequently directly by the grave of
R W which he stated generally lead to some ob-
servations respecting him the said Williams.

Copied from a ledger of Benjamin Cushing Harris,
owned by Benjamin Pierce Harris.

New Publieations of Rhode Island Interest

Moif unpublished Berkeley Letters and Nezv Berke-
leiana is the title of a nineteen page pamphlet by Canon
A. A. Luce which is reprinted from volume 23 of ller-
matJiena, 1933. Among the letters included in this article
are the two Berkeley letters which are in the Society's
library.

The Trading Post of Roger Will 'nuns with tliose of
John Wilcox and Richard Smith by Howard M. Chapin
is a pamphlet of 26 pages issued in December by the Society
of Colonial Wars in Rhode Island.

*A briei reference to the funeral oi Roger Williams appears on page 12
ol the Report ufon the Burial Place oj Roger Williams, which was pub-
lished by the Rhode Island Historical Society in 191 S.

■ »—>*;

PAIR OF OVERSHOES WORN BY LAFAYETTE AND PRESENTED

BY HIM TO GEORGE W. GREENE WHO GAVE THEM TO THE

RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Now in the Society's Museum.

A MEDAL STRUCK IN PROVIDENCE IN 183 5 INOBSERVANCE
OF THE DEATH OF LAFAYETTE THE PRECEDING YEAR.

In the Society's Museum.

56 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society for
January 1934 contains a paper on Steamboats on Narra-
gansett Bay by William King Co veil.

Volume 2 of the Collections of the New London County
Historical Society, entitled Connecticut's Naval Office at
Nerdc London During the War of the American Revolution
by Ernest E. Rogers, contains some letters written by Esek
Hopkins.

Antiques for March 1934 contains an article on the date
of Gilbert Stuart's death, the place of his burial and the in-
ventory of his estate, by John Hill Morgan.

The Records of the Suffolk County Court, 1 67 1-1 680,
which are published as volumes 29 and 30 of the Publica-
tions of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, contain
many items of Rhode Island interest, and an interesting
and useful introduction by Zechariah Chafee, Jr.

New Members

The following persons have been elected to membership
in the Society:

Mr. J. Earle Bacon Mrs. Benjamin B. Manchester

Mr. Charles C. Stover Mr. Gardner T. Swarts, Jr.

Mr. William G. Braude

Lafayette Centenary*

Lafayette died on May 20, 1834, and this year, 1934,
the centenary of his death is being observed throughout the
United States with appropriate ceremonies.

*For an account of Lafayette's visits to Rhode Island, sec the Rhode
Island Historical Society Collections for January 1926, vol. xix,
P. 1.

WESTCONNAUG 57

The Minutes of the Westconnaug Purchase

Transcribed by Theodore G. Foster
{Continued from page 32)

At a Meeting of the Proprietors of the Westquanaug
Purchase held by Adjournment at the House of Capt Peter
Cook in Scituate in said Purchase on Monday the First Day
of October Ad 1770. Thomas Hill continued Moderator —

Voted that Mr William West be a Committee Man to
go to the Town Clerks offices at Newport and Providence
and at Scituate to get from each of their Hands whatever
in Plats of the Westquanaug Purchase are recorded in
either of their offices agreeable to the former Proprietors
order and make a Report thereof to the next Proprietors
Meeting

This Meeting is adjournd to the First Monday in
March which will be the Fourth Day of the Month A D.
1771. at 1 0 °Clock Forenoon at the House of Capt Peter
Cook Aforesaid
Test Thos Brown Proprietors Clerk

At a Meeting of the Proprietors of the Westquanaug Pur-
chase held by Adjournment at the House of Capt Peter
Cooke in Scituate on Monday the Fourth Day of March
AD 1771

Peter Cook Moderator for this Meeting
This Meeting is adjournd to Saturday the 16th Day of this
Instant March at 10 °Clock in the Forenoon at the House
of Capt Peter Cook in Scituate
Test Thos Brown Proprietors Clerk

At a Meeting of the Proprietors of the Westquanaug Pur-
chase held by Adjournment at the House of Capt Peter
Cook in said Purchase on Saturday the 1 6th Day of March
AD 1771

58 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Thomas Hill continued Moderator
Having heared the Report of Mr William West who was
chosen a Committee Man to enquire whether the Original
Plats at the Westquanaug Purchase were recorded in New-
port or Providence or Scituate agreeable to the Original
Proprietors order

And the said West made Report to this Meeting That
he has examined the Several Town Clerks Offices and can-
not find any Records of the Original Plats or said Purchase
on Record in them or either of their Offices

This Meeting is Adjourned to Saturday the First Day
of June next at 1 2 °Clock at Noon at the House of Jeremiah
Angell Esq in Scituate March the 16th 1771

Test Thos Brown Proprietors Clerk

At a Meeting of the Proprietors of the Westquanaug Pur-
chase held by Adjournment at the House of Jeremiah
Angell Esq in Scituate on Saturday the First Day of June
AD. 1771 Thomas Hill continued Moderator

Whereas there is a Petition exhibitted to this Meeting-
relating to the Bounds of the Lands of the Westquanuag
Purchase which Petition is referred to the next Meeting

This Meeting is adjourned to the Third Saturday in
September next at the House of Jeremiah Angell Esq in
Scituate at Twelve °Clock at Noon

Test Thos Brown Proprietors Clerk

At a Meeting of the Proprietors of the Westquanaug Pur-
chase held by Adjournment at the House of Jeremiah
Angel Esq in Scituate on Saturday the 21st Day of Sep-
tember AD 1771 Thomas Hill Chosen Moderator
Whereas there was a Petition at the Former Meeting-
exhibited for Revising and Regulating the Bounds of the
Lands in the Westquanaug Purchase where the Persons
concernd shall think proper they paying the Charge that
shall accrue upon the same

WESTCONNAUG 59

It is therefore Voted that said Petition be received
and it is hereby received

This Meeting is adjourned to the First Monday in
Novemr at 1 2 °clock at Noon at the House of Capt Peter

Cooke in Scituate in said Purchase

Test Thos Brown Proprietors Clerk

At a Meeting of the Proprietors of the Westquanaug
Purchase held by adjournment at the House of Capt Peter
Cooke in said Scituate in said Purchase on Monday the 4th
Day of Nov1" AD 1771 Thomas Hill Chosen Mod-

erator of this Meeting

Benjamin Wite Jun is chosen a Committee Man in
the Room of Capt Chris1 Relph This Meeting is ad-
journed to the Second Saturday of April next at 12 °Clock
at Noon at the House of Capt Peter Cooke in Scituate in
said Purchase which will be in the year 1772
Test Thos Brown Proprietors Clerk

At a Meeting of the Proprietors of the Westquanaug
Purchase at the House of Peter Cooke in Scituate in said
Purchase on Saturday the 1 1th Day of April AD 1 772

Thomas Hill continued Moderator of this Meeting
Voted that the Clerk procure a Book suitable for the
Recording the Returns that shall be made by the Com-
mittee and Surveyor in said Purchase for the Revising and
maintaining the original Boundarys in said Purchase

This Meeting is adjourned to the House of Thomas
Brown in Scituate in said Purchase to Monday the 14th Day
of September next A D 1772

This Meeting is adjourned to the House of Mi-
George Taylor Innholder in Said Scituate in said Purchase

to Three of the Clock this present Afternoon

Test Thos Brown Proprietors Clerk

At the Time and Place last mentioned the Proprietors
met and Continued

()() RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Thomas Hill Moderator of this Meeting
This Meeting is adjournd to Saturday the Tenth Day of
April next at 12 "Clock at Noon at the House of Stephen

Sheldon Innholder in Scituate in said Purchase

Test Thos Brown Proprietor Clerk

At a Meeting of the Proprietors of the Westquanaug Pur-
chase held by Adjournment at the House of Stephen
Sheldon Junr in Scituate in said Purchase on the Tenth of
April A D 1773 Thomas Hill continued Moderator

This Meeting adjourned to the Second Saturday of
September next which is on the Eleventh Day of said
Month A D 1 773 at the House of Stephen Sheldon Jun in
Scituate in said Purchase at Twelve "Clock at Noon

At a Meeting of the Proprietors of the Westquanaug Pur-
chase held by adjournment at the House of Stephen Shel-
don Jun Innholder in Scituate in said Purchase on Saturday
the 1 1th Day of Septem1' A D 1773 Thomas Hill con-
tinued Moderator of this Meeting

This Meeting is adjournd to Saturday the 16th Day of
October next at 2 "Clock in the Afternoon at the House of
Stephen Sheldon Jun Innholder in Scituate in said Purchase
Test Thomas Brown Proprietors Clerk

At a Meeting held by Adjournment at the House of
Stephen Sheldon Jun in Scituate in said Purchase on Sat-
urday the 1 6th Day of October A I) 1 773

Thomas Hill continued Moderator
This Meeting is adjourned to the First Saturday in April
next at the House of Stephen Sheldon Jun Innholder in
Scituate in said Province at 1 2 "Clock at Noon

Test Thos Brown Proprietors Clerk

At a Meeting of the Proprietors of the Westquanaug Pur-
chase held by adjournment at the House of Stephen Shel-
don Jun Innholder in Scituate in said Purchase on Saturday
the Second Day of April AD 1 774

WESTCONNAUG 61

Thomas Hill continued Moderator of this Meeting
This Meeting adjourned to the First Saturday in October
next which will be the First Day of said Month at the
House of Stephen Sheldon Jun Innholder in Scituate in
said Purchase at 1 2 "Clock at Noon

Test Thos Brown Proprietors Clerk

Rhode Island Historical Society
Treasurer's Report

INCOME ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR 1933

Receipts

Annual Dues $2,495.00

Dividends and Interest 3,916.82

Rental of Rooms 75.00

State Appropriation 1,500.00

$7,986.82

Expenditures

Binding $ 47.37

Books 562.86

Electric Light and Gas 3 5.19

Exhibitions 1 1 9.0 1

Expense 1 3 1 .61

Grounds 93.78

Heating 700.00

Newspaper 27.67

Publications 5 50.16

Salaries 5,325.00

Supplies 302.42

Telephone 59.75

Water 8.00

$7,962.82
Surplus Income Account 24.00

$7,986.82

62 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

STATEMENT OF CONDITION, DECEMBER 31, 193 3

Assets

Grounds and Building $ 25,000.00

Investments: Bonds

$4,000. Cedars Rapids M. & P. Co., 5s, 195 3 $3,228.88

3,000. Central Mfg. District 3,000.00

3,000. Cleveland Elec. Ilium. Co., 5s, 1939 2,565.42

4,000. Dominion of Canada, 5s, 1952 4,003.91

1,000. Western Electric Co., 5s, 1944 998.17

4,000. 61 Broadwav Bldg., 1st Mtge., 5>^s,

1950 ' 4,000.00

4,000. Minnesota P. & Lt. Co., 1st 5s, 195 5 3,930.00
4,000. Monongahela Valley Traction Co., 1st

5s, 1942 3,685.00

2,000. Ohio Power Co., 1st & Ref. 5s, 195 2 1,974.00

2,000. Narragansett Elec. Co., 5s, 1947 1,980.00

2,000. Shell Union Oil Corp., 5s, 1947 1,979.00

2,000. Koppers Gas & Coke Co., 5s, 1947 1,962.50

1,000. Indianapolis Power & Lt., 1st 5s, 1957 994.50
1,000. Texas Pwr. & Lt., 1st Ref. 5s, 1956 1,021.25
1,000. Pennsylvania R. R., Deb. 4^s, 1970 922.50
1,000. Pennsylvania Water & Power Co., 1st

5s, 1940 1,005.42

Stocks
54 shs. New York Central Railroad Co $3,766.47

125 shs. Pennylsvania Railroad Co. 7,638.35

30 shs. Lehigh Valley Railroad Co 2,112.50

7 shs. Lehigh Valley Coal Sales Co 23 5.39

40 shs. Milwaukee Elec. Ry. 6c Lt. Co., Pfd. 3,900.00
64 shs. American Telephone & Telegraph Co. 5,960.05

3 50 shs. Providence Gas Co. 5,755.68

1 5 shs. Providence National Bank ) j oqq qq

30 shs. Merchants1 National Bank Bldg.\

45 shs. Blackstone Canal National Bank 1,050.00

52 shs. Atchison, Topeka 8c S.E. Ry. Co., Com. 6,247.8 5

20 shs. American Power & Light 1,696.50

3 0 shs. Standard Gas & Electric, 4s, Pfd 1,906.50

35 shs. Public Service of N. [., 5s, Pfd. 3,327.63

1 0 shs. Public Service of N. [., 5s, Cum. Pfd. 990.00

1 0 shs. Electric Bond and Share, 5s, Pfd 922.00

84,559.47

Cash on hand 4,164.37

$113,723.84

treasurer's report 63

Liabilities
Equipment Fund $ 25,000.00

Permanent Endowment Fund:

Samuel M. Noyes $ 1 2,000.00

Henry J. Steere 1 0,000.00

James H. Bugbee 6,000.00

Charles H. Smith ^ 5,000.00

William H. Potter 3,000.00

Charles W. Parsons 4,000.00

Esek A. Jillson 2,000.00

John Wilson Smith 1,000.00

William G. Weld 1,000.00

Charles C. Hoskins 1 ,000.00

Charles H. Atwood 1,000.00

Edwin P. Anthony 4,000.00

John F. Street 1,000.00

George L. Shepley 5,000.00

Franklin Lyceum Memorial 734.52

56,734.52

Publication Fund:

Robert P. Brown $ 2,000.00

Ira P. Peck 1,000.00

William Gammell 1,000.00

Albert J. Jones 1 ,000.00

William Ely 1 ,000.00

Julia Bullock 500.00

Charles H. Smith 1 00.00

6,600.00

Life Membership 5,600.00

Book Fund 3,0 1 2.41

Reserve Fund 1,043.12

Revolving Publication Fund 165.24

Surplus 1 3,900.87

Surplus Income Account 1,667.68

$113,723.84

64 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

PRINCIPAL ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR 1933

Rkckipts

Reserve Fund $ 15.15

Revolving Publication Fund 151.30

$ 166.45
Balance January 1, 193 3 2,764.97

$2,931.42

Payments

Reserve Fund $ 70.40

Revolving Publication Fund 364.33

$ 434.73
Balance December 31, 1933 : 2,496.69

$2,931.42
Providence, R. L, January 9, 1934.

Respectfully submitted,

G. A. Harrington,

Treasurer

Form of Legacy

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island
Historical Society the sum of
dollars."

\r i

Roger Williams Press ^1^

E. A. Johnson Co.

PROVIDENCE

Rhode Island

Historical Society

Collections

Vol. XXVII

JULY, 1934

GOVERNOR JOSEPH JENCKES

See "page 65

No. 3

Issued Quarterly

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island

CONTENTS

Fit

PAGE

Governor Joseph Jenckes . . . Cover and 65

Providence in Civil War Days

by Theodore Collier .... 66

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . . 84

Notes 84

Roger Williams Letter . . . . . 85

Opening of South County Museum

bv William Davis Miller . ... . 93

RHODE
HISTORICAL

ISLAND

SOCIETY

COLLECTIONS

Vol. XXVII

JULY, 1934

No. 3

H. Anthony Dyer, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.

Portrait of Governor Jenckes

The original oil portrait of Governor Joseph Jenckes,
which was painted by Smibert in 1729, was recently ac-
quired by Mr. Millard H. Jencks of New York, through
whose courtesy, it is reproduced on the cover of this issue
of the Collections.

Mr. Jencks writes: "The picture is signed at right, CJ.
Smibert, fecit' and dated 1729. On the back of the portrait
is a piece of old tape on which is written:

'Joseph Jenckes, aetitis 73 — given by
him unto Governor Ward.'

"It appears that the portrait was in the collection of
Governor Richard Ward of Rhode Island for a number of
years and subsequently in the collection of Mary S. Ward,
descendant of Governor Ward. It was subsequently pur-
chased for the Burlingham collection of early American
portraits. I do not have the date on which this purchase was
made. The portrait was exhibited at the Gallery of National
Portraiture, Pennsvlvania Academv of Fine Arts, Phila-
delphia 1926."

66 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Providence in Civil War Days*

By Theodore Collier

No son of Rhode Island should need to be reminded
that to his State belongs the distinction of having been the
first of the States to step forward for the defense of the
National Government. Early in 1861, three months be-
fore Ft. Sumter was fired upon, Governor Sprague offered
the services of the militia for the protection of the Capital.
Although assured that there was no occasion for the employ-
ment of troops, the Governor renewed the offer, through
Major Goddard, who went to Washington, where he had
an interview with General Scott. "I wish I had those fel-
lows," said the gray hero of the Mexican war; "I know
the stuff they are made of. In the war of 1 8 1 2 I commanded
all the New England troops, and I must say that for brav-
ery, for resolute endurance of fatigue and privation, for
steadiness under trials, for high personal character, in fact
for all the qualities which make a good soldier, the soldiers
of the regiment composed chiefly of Rhode Island men
were the very best troops I commanded."

General Scott, however, was not free to act according to
his judgment of the necessities of the situation. But when
the time for action did come, Rhode Island gave ample
proof that the boys of '6 1 were not unworthy of their sires
of 1812.

The attack on Ft. Sumter, April 12, 1861, had but one
meaning, War! "The issue is joined," wrote the editor of
the Journal; "there is no longer any neutral ground." The
news brought Rhode Island to her feet. The Assembly was
at once convened in extra session; the Governor offered the
State's troops to the Government again anticipating the
President's call for volunteers. Col. Burnside tendered his
services to the State; the General Assembly voted $500,000

*A paper read before The Review Club, February 9, 1918.

PROVIDENCE IN CIVIL WAR DAYS 67

to fit out the troops; the banks came forward with loans; a
quarter of a million was subscribed in a day j within a month
the sum had risen to half a million. The various military
companies of the city, the First Light Infantry, the National
Cadets, the Providence Artillery, the Marine Artillery, the
Mechanics Rifles and others, opened their lists for recruits.
A meeting was called at the Armory j the crowd filled the
place and overflowed into the street ; the Governor spoke,
"He would go himself ,Vith a thousand men," tremendous
enthusiasm; 75 men volunteered on the spot; before next
sunset, 1 1 5 more. And that was but one company. The scene
was being repeated in a score of places. Everywhere meet-
ings; everywhere impassioned orators pressing the claims of
country and the one duty of the hour. Drum and trumpet
took up the refrain; the chimes of Grace Church caught the
martial note and flung it out, to be borne on the wind
through all the country side. And thus to the call of bell and
bugle, with quick-beating heart, but with set face, Rhode
Island fell into line.

Major Burnside's offer of service having been accepted,
he received command of the First Rhode Island Volunteers.
Regimental headquarters were established, in Broad Street,
and rapidly the ranks were filled.

The 1 7th day was a day of patriotic demonstrations. The
city was bedecked with flags; volunteering was brisk; many
out-of-town military organizations came up; there was a
parade, and a general inspection at the armories. The war-
fever was running high; everyone was infected, but the
young took it hardest. The High School pupils ran up a
banner inscribed "Young America" ; the Brown Freshmen
held a meeting, and, after the customary "whereases"
formally resolved that they approved of the policy of the
President and that their hearts beat with patriotic sympathy
toward those of their classmates who had already enlisted.
At five o'clock the whole college gathered to unfurl Old
Glory over University Hall, and to listen to the stirring
words of President Sears, Bishop Clark, Dr. Hall, Dr.
Caldwell, and Governor Dyer.

68 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

That was the beginning of flag-raising. Thereafter not
a day passed without its flag-raising, until, it would seem,
every school and church and place of business had shown its
colors. A great staff, 1 40 feet high, was erected at the junc-
tion of Broad and High Streets, and a flag run up by a patri-
arch who was a lad of twelve when Betsy Ross stitched the
first Stars and Stripes. Another staff was set up at the east
end of India Bridge, and dedicated by Bishop Clark. But
high above them all floated the flag from the steeple of the
First Baptist Meeting House, 1 80 feet from the ground.

Then, as now, prices went up with the flags. From $5 they
jumped to nearly $30, — all the fault of England, said
some, because she has a corner on bunting.

"Old men and children- young men and maidens ;" but
where were the women: Sewing, sisters, sewing! For there
was work to be done. Our boys must be fitted out; not in
olive drab, called for by the regulations and provided by
the Government; but more gaily appareled, in gray and
blue, gray for the pantaloons, blue for the tunic; and a
black felt hat, trimmed with a cockade and crowned with a
feather. The materials for the tunics were to be found at
the store of H. A. Prescott, and the ladies were asked to
call at once, for "the work must be done by tonight;" so
ran the notice. And as if to challenge northern pride and
incite to more strenuous exertion, this urgent appeal was
followed by a news item to the effect that the Rebels had
already made "two breaches in Ft. Sumter."

The honor of the State was in the hands of its daughters;
and it was safe. A thousand tunics given out one day; 300
finished garments returned by noon of the next! How the
needles must have flown! It was an achievement worthy of
the city already famous as the home of the Wilcox and
Gibbs. Indeed, there was not work enough to go around.
But the willingness of every volunteer was counted to her
for patriotism, and bandages and blankets soon found occu-
pation for hands that could not be employed on tunics. With
just pride might the Journal exclaim, "The patriotic spirit
of our Grandmothers had not died out."

PROVIDENCE IN CIVIL WAR DAYS 69

"Old men for counsel j young men for war," runs the
proverb j which, translated into the feminine, means,
"Matrons for tunics, maidens for head-gear". While moth-
ers sewed, the nimbler fingers of their daughters deftly
shaped cockades and trimmed hats. Did anyone, perchance,
as she bestowed a finishing touch upon a gay feather, secretly
set a cap of her own for some soldier boy, whom War's
approach had made for her "one in a thousand," in a sense
not strictly regimental?" I wonder! The girls of the High
School and of the Bridgham Street School petitioned for a
holiday, "in order that they might assist in the patriotic
work." Alas, they were denied! Why is it that School
Boards never understand?

But no one who wished to work need long be idle. When
the last tunic had been made and the last hat trimmed, when
trousers and shoes and belts had been sent down from
Boston, when blankets and extra shirts had been provided,
there remained one need, perpetual, insatiable, a need
which cried continually, like the horse leech's daughter,
"Give, give!", a need which yawned like the chasm in the
Forum, demanding the last full measure of sacrifice, — the
need of socks! So the needles were set up, and woman
enlisted for the period of the war. No skirted creature was
exempt. Nay, even the boys in the Reform School were set
to knitting. Socks recognized no distinction of class, and
spared no age j from the little girl in pigtails to the grannie
in the chimney corner, the women of Rhode Island knitted,
their clicking needles keeping time to the "Tramp, tramp,
tramp" of marching boys. One old lady of 80, nameless,
yet deserving fame, had turned out 100 pairs between
Bull Run and Atlanta, when I lost count. And though now
her needles lie a-rusting on the shelf, who doubts that
tonight, reincarnate in some granddaughter, her "soul goes
marching on," knitting two and purling two, turning out
sweaters or helmets for the "boys over there"?

One thing more, — the regiment must have its colors j
none but a woman's hand could meet that need. And on the
19th, the anniversary of Lexington, the women of Provi-

70 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

dencc presented to the 1st Rhode Island a banner with the
words, "With this banner Rhode Island places her honor
in your hands." It was trust well reposed.

The next day, the 20th, they were "off for the front,"
not all of them, but 45 of each 100, "the best-drilled and
the most experienced." The day was beautiful, and the
streets were thronged with eager spectators. The picked
contingents were assembled in Exchange Place. Col. Burn-
side, every inch a soldier and even then a general in the
making, was in command. Most of us can see him only with
the mind's eye, aided by what has been handed down in
portrait or statue. But some there are, and some of them
with us tonight, upon whose memory his knightly figure
was indelibly etched, and who now, after the lapse of nearly
sixty years, see, as clearly as if it were but yesterday, that
superb horseman reviewing his troops as they filed past the
spot where today horse and rider still stand immortalized
in imperishable bronze.

The Governor and his staff were present. After the
review came an address by Bishop Clark, and then the order
"March!" Out through Exchange Place they swung, up
North Main Street through Meeting to Benefit, and down
Benefit Street to Fox Point, followed by a countless throng
and cheered at every step. When they reached the wharf
enthusiasm passed all bounds. "The sweet notes of the band,
and the glittering array of muskets were at this moment the
signal for an outburst of applause from the thousands who
had lined the vessels and standing places in the vicinity of
the wharf, which indicated the depth and heartiness of the
controlling sentiment." As the "Empire State" which bore
them drew away, "round upon round of applause, from old
and young, greeted her and the living freight on her decks.
The waving of handkerchiefs and the tossing of hats were
but the slightest evidences of the deep feeling that per-
vaded the dense mass. Grief in its varied forms was there,
and as the steamer gradually receded from view the moist-
ened eyes of many a one told of the fondness of the human
heart." They are going; we follow them with eyes and

PROVIDENCE IN CIVIL WAR DAYS 71

voices ; now they have passed beyond the reach of the loud-
est "Good-bye" ; still over the water come "the full rich
strains of Joe Greene's bugle"; now even those have died
away in silence; the last farewell is spoken by the old Flag,
the flag for whose honor the boys are going forth to fight.
Never, I venture to think, had Old Glory seemed more
glorious to those who saw it waving in the marvelous light
of that April afternoon.

However much doubt might assail the hearts of others,
there was one, at least, aboard that boat who counted upon
a safe and speedy return, Joe Greene, the sweet bugler, the
leader of the American Brass Band. Joe had not only the
musical temperament, he had a soul of honor. His 22nd
Annual Band Concert had been advertised and tickets sold
therefor. But Joe's word was as good as his note; the very
day he sailed away he informed the public through the
columns of the Journal that if he returned from the cam-
paign the concert would be given and the tickets would be
good. Heaven recorded the vow and graciously enabled
him to fulfill it.

Doubtless there were many who shared Joe's hope and
belief that "the campaign" would soon be over. Even the
President's first call had been for volunteers for ninety
days; but days were to stretch into months, and months
into years before the last of Rhode Island's boys should
come back. No one probably foresaw the full duration of
the war; but some, at least, more skilled in reading the signs
of the times, anticipated a protracted and bitter struggle,
and sounded a warning against an easy and delusive opti-
mism. "This is no boy's play," wrote the editor of the
Journal (April 22, 1861); "In the beginning we have
great apprehension of temporary reverses; to doubt the
ultimate result would be worse than to doubt the superior-
ity of numbers and strength and resources ; it would be to
doubt the justice of Heaven" (April 24, 1861 ). "But we
have just begun; we must go on; there is no halting now;
there must be greater preparations ; we need two more regi-
ments, also a Home Guard; let companies be formed; let

72 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

everybody drill; don't wait for guns; drill! prepare! Stand
by the President; stop grumbling and go to work! Enlist!
And thank Heaven for being young and having such an
opportunity of serving your country."

Such warnings and exhortations fell not upon deaf ears.
Guards were formed; companies were organized; every-
where men were drilling; the contagion spread to all parts
of the city and among all classes. The Old Guard of the
First Light Infantry and the men of the First Ward were
among the hrst to organize. But in a moment every ward
had its Home Guard or its company of volunteers; many
could boast of both. Besides there were the National Cadets,
the Mechanics Guard (formed among the men at the
Corliss Engine Works), the Horse Guards, the Irish Amer-
ican Guards.

The Brown students formed a Corps, fifty strong, under
Capt. C. F. Mason; and a brave show they made in their
dark blue jackets, blue trousers, and jaunty scarlet caps.
But for brilliancy of plumage there were no birds as gay
as the Burnside Zouaves, — "blue jacket, trimmed with
orange ; full red pants, gathered at the ankles ; drab gaiters ;
blue mixed undershirt, faced with red; and white forage
cap trimmed with red! " The example of sires was followed
by their sons; the Union Guard, of lads from eight to
fourteen, drilled and paraded under the able leadership of
Capt. Nehemiah R. Knight, of equal age. Was it Capt.
Knight's company, I wonder, that provoked the protest of
one who signed herself, "Much annoyed Mother," against
incessant drumming by half-grown boys? "Patriotism is
all right," she allowed; "but waking up babies every five
minutes till ten o'clock at night is all wrong!" About the
same time there appeared in the paper a bit of gratuitous
advice for prospective soldiers, which the "Annoyed
Mother" must have read with heartfelt approvel, — "Let
your beard grow and save your throat." Parenthetically
and by way of contrast, one may be permitted to allude to
the counsel which Dr. Patten once gave to some "soldiers of
the Cross" about to set forth from Princeton Seminary for

PROVIDENCE IN CIVIL WAR DAYS

the mission field, — "Pray without ceasing, and shave every
day!"

Meanwhile, on the 24th of April, the second detachment
of the regiment had left for the front, under the command
of Lieut.-Col. Joseph S. Pitman. They, too, were given an
enthusiastic and hearty send-off, and as if to fan their
patriotism to whiter heat, were accompanied on their march
to the wharf by the old flag carried by the Rhode Island
Regiment of the Line in the Revolution, borne on this
occasion by Major John B. Chace.

By the beginning of May the first Rhode Island, 1350
strong, had pitched their tents in Washington and settled
down to a soldier's life at "Camp Sprague," so-named
after the dashing young Governor who claimed the privi-
lege of impetuous and generous youth, and followed the
flag, not only to camp but into battle itself. Inasmuch as
the Lieutenant-Governor, Arnold, had previously (April
8th ) gone" off in command of the Marine Artillery, the
government of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations
devolved upon the Hon. the Secretary of State.

Though as to size "Little Rhody" might be "least of all
among the princes of Judah," her smallness was not of the
heart. She was a "good provider," and sent her boys out
well-clothed and well-stocked. She knew what her men-
folks liked, and to the twenty days' rations added "other
descriptions of food not ordinarily served, but the want of
which would be felt by men unaccustomed to active mili-
tary life." Little wonder that, to quote from a contempo-
rary war correspondent, the regiment was "much admired
for the solid appearance of its members. They evidently
live after the fashion of their forefathers, who were famous
for their good cheer" {New York Express).

And Rhode Island had every reason to feel proud of the
result of good feeding, good tailoring, and good discipline.
"More admired than any other regiment in Washington,"
said the New York Evening Post, of our First ; in their
uniform of dark blue, with a Kossuth hat, turned up at one
side ; and they have each a light scarlet blanket which they

74 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

wear with an inimitable grace, pinning it in the shape of a
coat, with a skill unattainable to ordinary mortals." "A
model to be carefully studied and faithfully copied," wrote
the New York Tribune; "First in general esteem," said
the Journal of Commerce. Even Boston was impressed, and
acknowledged that we made an "imposing appearance"
( Boston Journal).

The Marine Artillery, the hrst battery of rifled cannon
ever in the service of the United States, was also the recipi-
ent of many compliments. Already the men of the First
had given proof of the stuff they were made of, on the long
march from Frederick to Williamsport, thirty-four miles
in seventeen hours, a feat which seemed impossible even
for Regulars. "We never could have done it but for
Burnside; Burnside walked to encourage the men; we can
go anywhere with Burnside," wrote "Canonicus," whose
letters to the Journal were a vital link between the boys at
the front and the folks back home. Where shall we find
words, cries "Canonicus," to describe a "State which sends
a Governor who trudges through the heat and dust like a
private, a Colonel who only asks his men to fare as he does
himself, and a Chaplain (Woodbury) who limits his dis-
courses to fifteen minutes!"

The swearing-in, May 4, took place in the presence of
President Lincoln; and at the conclusion of the impressive
ceremony the boys gave the President "three cheers and a
Narragansett!" How well Rhode Island "kept the faith,"
let the Government itself be witness: "When in aftertimes,"
wrote Secretary Seward to Governor Sprague ( September
5, 1 861 ), "it shall be asked which of the thirty-four States
was most loyal and most effective in saving our country
from ruin in its present peril, the State of Rhode Island
will have no fear that her traditional fame will suffer in
the answer that shall be given."

On the 30th of May the call came for additional troops.
Rhode Island's response was characteristically prompt. A
second regiment, under the command of Col. John S.
Slocum, was quickly raised, the Providence Artillery,

I'ROYIDKNCE IN CIVIL WAR DAYS

National Cadets, City Guards, and Mechanics Rifles enlist-
ing in a body. The citizens, as before, were unsparing in
their bounty; Governor Sprague's firm gave a thousand
rubber blankets; everyone contributed according to his
means; the hands of loyal women again worked the colors,
a silk flag and a regimental standard of blue, bearing the
arms of the State. On the 19th of June, the Second left for
the front, accompanied by the Governor, the Secretary of
State, and Bishop Clark, and followed by prayers from
countless hearts that beat fast with mingled pride and
apprehension. For by this time, a month before Bull Run,
it required no prophet to tell Rhode Island that something
was impending.

The air was full of rumors, and the strain was becoming
intense. The people hung upon the latest bulletin, and
anxiously asked what might happen next. The uncertainty
was well-nigh unendurable. But they had the blessed relief
of work. "The heart will be stronger, if the hands are
busy," wrote the editor of the Journal; and every fearful
soul knew that he was right. And how they worked, men
and women alike, but especially the women! Morning
after morning they met in their churches, Grace, Beneficent,
Central, First, Westminster, St. Stephen's, the old First
Baptist, and all the rest ( or Dr. Hall's, Dr. Swain's, Dr.
Caldwell's, Dr. Waterman's, as they affectionately called
them, after their Fathers in Christ ). Morning after morn-
ing they met, to cut, to sew, to wind, to pack, and then to
cut and sew again. Or else they knitted. There was no want
of materials for work; Providence kept back nothing.

The necessity for organization was seen from the start.
Within a week after the departure of the First for the front,
the Rhode Island Relief Corps was formed, to assist the
Hospital Staff in caring for the health of the soldiers and
nursing the sick. Soon followed a Committee of Relief for
the families of volunteers; and directly upon the heels of
that the Ladies' Voluntary Relief Association, to provide
work for dependent women, and thus reduce suffering at
home while ministering to the absent soldier. The Florence

7( i RH( IDE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Nightingale Association, comprising women of many de-
nominations, meeting in the Chapel of Dr. Hall's Church,
made their contribution in hospital supplies, lint, bandages,
little first-aid kits, and the like. The men, not to be behind
in the good work, provided an ambulance, built under the
direction of Surgeon Wheaton. The approach of summer
called for "Havelocks," for the heat of Washington was
hard on the boys from Narragansett. The brand new uni-
forms of April were beginning to show the effects of two
months' constant wear, and little fingers, unequal to more
exacting tasks, were busy making pocket pincushions, always
welcome, wrote "Canonicus," but thrice welcome when
stocked with needles already threaded.

And there was the regimental larder, which must be run-
ning low. There was nothing for it but to replenish it. And
knowing "our boys' " appetites, nothing short of a shipload
would suffice. So they loaded the "Sea Gull" to the gun-
wales, with things terrestrial and things celestial (500
Bibles, forsooth), things perishable and things imperish-
able, things digestible and, alas, things indigestible: a
"mountain of cake," 40 bbls. of vegetables, 1000 lbs. of
tautog, 140 bu. of clams, 3 bbls. of cider (June cider! ), and
to show that there were no hard feelins', a "quantity of
pain-killer," amount not stated. The tautog arrived, we are
told, in a "fair state of preservation;" the clams, alas, suc-
cumbed to the heat, and were reluctantly and, I suspect,
irreverently consigned to the Chesapeake — shells to shells,
bivalves to bivalves!

But the sound of merriment was soon to give way to that
of mourning. Early in July, death first claimed the redemp-
tion of the pledge of patriotism ; two privates, William
Bourne and Nathan Morse, were killed by the explosion of
a shell, while at gun practice. Rhode Island had laid her first
dead upon the altar of the country. It was an earnest of the
heavier sacrifice soon to be exacted of her on the fields of
Virginia.

Scarce!}" had the city paid its funeral honors to the brave

PROVIDENCE IN CIVIL WAR DAYS 77

young dead, when there came the news of Bull Run. It was
at first announced as a "brilliant victory for the national
army." For the space of a day Providence was jubilant ;
then the ugly truth got abroad, — the Union had suffered its
first defeat! But Rhode Island had no reason to be ashamed
of her part in the sorry affair. Her two regiments, united in
a brigade under the command of Burnside, and her battery,
had acquitted themselves splendidly. They were as steady
as veterans j not a man flinched. There could be no flinching
under such a leader as Burnside. His was the coolest head
on that distracted field. "All that we won on that day, and
all that we did not lose we owe, under God, to Col. Burn-
side," was the testimony of an eye-witness.

Such was Burnside, patient, firm, sympathetic, unremit-
ting in the care of his men, ever ready to endure hardship
as a fellow-soldier, equally steadfast in good fortune and
ill, wearing his laurels with unfeigned modesty, resolute in
adversity, free from taint of bitterness or envy, generous,
magnanimous, a knight without reproach, — no wonder "his
men fairly worshipped him!" It was true, as Governor
Sprague upon a later occasion said, that "No man in the
history of the State in so short a time had more firmly en-
twined himself around the hearts of our people" (August
7, 1861, at Newport, on presenting sword and thanks for
the State).

The honor of Rhode Island's regiments had been dearly
bought. In killed, wounded and missing the losses num-
bered 196. Especially the 2nd suffered heavily, losing her
colonel, the gallant Slocum, Major Ballou, and Captains
Tower and Smith. Among those who fell in the First none
died more regretted or left a more fragrant memory than
Lieut. Prescott, of whom it was written, "No man went to
the war from loftier Christian and patriotic motives than
he." On the Sunday following the battle, a service com-
memorative of the dead was held in Grace Church. The
Bishop spoke in healing words of comfort and triumphing
faith, and paid the tribute of honor to the "heroic Slocum "

7S RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

"the accomplished Ballou," "Prescott, the Christian sol-
dier," and "Comstock, hardly out of his boyhood." "The
State will cherish them all in her memory., as heroes of
whom we shall ever be proud, and whose names we will
teach our children to venerate as sacred." In the following
spring the bodies of Col. Slocum, Major Ballou, and Cap-
tain Tower were brought back home and interred with full
military honors. And the record of Prescott, the "good sol-
dier of Jesus Christ" is preserved on a memorial tablet in
Grace Church Chapel.

But tears of joy mingled with tears of grief on that Sun-
day after Bull Run. The First returned from the front,
their term of service having expired. Although it was early
morning when they arrived, the wharf and the adjoining
streets were crowded with thousands who had come out to
welcome them home. Back over the route they had traversed
three months before, to the exhilarating music of never-
ending cheers, they marched to Exchange Place. There they
drew up in hollow square, their gallant Colonel in the
centre. And the display of enthusiasm was "magnificent,"
says the Journal. But for me the picture would not be com-
plete without one touch added by one who although then a
little girl still recalls the scene as if it were but yesterday.
"My Mother," said she, "took me through all those men, —
and oh, but they were travel-stained and unkempt!, and
lead me up to where Col. Burnside sat upon his horse, and
he reached down and shook hands with me. I shall never
forget it." No more would I.

Bull Run had ended in defeat. But was Rhode Island dis-
mayed? Not for one moment! "Defeat is only an argument
for new effort," wrote the editor of the Journal; "Our
banner which has been trailing in the dust must be lifted
up toward the stars . . . the ranks must be tilled up . . . let
us begin today. Let the Government say when and whence
it wants men, and they shall be forthcoming. Let no man
lisp the word 'discouragement1 . . . the North is in earnest,
true as steel, and tough as oak." To such a clarion call the

PROVIDENCE IX CIVIL WAR DAYS 79

whole city rose in response. The great mass meeting in
Market Square was such an exhibition of patriotic feeling
as no man in that generation had ever before seen. The
Mayor presided; among the Vice Presidents were Lieu-
tenant-Governor Arnold, Dr. Wayland, Professor Caswell,
J. C. Brown, Governor Hoppin, A. C. Barstow, R. H. Ives,
James B. Angell. "One voice, one sentiment, one impulse
moved the thousands .gathered in council." First to speak
was Thomas A. Jenckes. He was followed by President
Sears, Dr. Wayland, Dr. Hall, Bishop Clark and others.
The Right Reverend Bishop was stirred to his very depths.
As he strode into the Forum that day, it was not with the
"preparation of the Gospel of peace" that his feet were
shod. "The time for leniency has passed," he shouted, "the
dispensation of hemp has commenced!" The vast assembly
rose to the challenge of the crisis, and with a mighty shout
pledged their fortunes and their lives to preserve the nation
and uphold its honor. And Rhode Island kept her word!
Let a neighboring state bear witness: "If a clear head, a
sound heart, and an open hand constitute greatness, Rhode
Island, small in size, may be considered just now the biggest
state in the Union {Boston Transcript).

Another regiment and another battery were promptly
raised; the lists were opened for two companies of Chas-
seurs and a third battery; and a third regiment, the "Irish
Regiment," so-called, was quickly filled. The fever was
working in Rhode Island's blood. From far-off California
came a flag for the Second Regiment, the filial gift of dis-
tant sons to the Mother State. All through the late summer
and the fall recruiting went steadily on, and by October
Rhode Island had four thousand men at the front or in
Washington. And when 1861 came to a close, looking back
over her year's work, she could pride herself on having
raised four regiments and eight batteries for the service of
the Union. Simultaneously with the raising of regular
troops, proceeded the formation of new units of the Home
Guard. A movement was set on foot to enrol the whole

80 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

body of male citizens into companies for military drill.
About forty such companies were organized.

The women stood shoulder to shoulder with the men. The
work of relief kept even pace with that of recruiting. A
branch of the Sanitary Commission had recently been
organized and was making an effective appeal for support
and contributions. Up to the close of 1862 only five states
had made larger contributions to the Sanitary Commission
than Rhode Island. Early in August the Women's Volun-
teer Relief Association opened headquarters at 1 7 South
Main Street, and throughout the remainder of the War
their offices served as a sort of central bureau for the col-
lection and forwarding of supplies of every nature.

Inevitably, Bull Run had affected the tone of community
life; it was pitched in a lower key; it was more intense. But
of downright pessimism there is little to be discovered.
August was a trying month, with premature talk of "peace
with the erring sisters of the South j" with misdirected,
but none the less harmful, criticism of the Government; with
an occasional outcropping of the evil spirit of mob violence.
But Providence generally kept its head and stood fast in
the conviction that all would yet be well. This was no one
man's doing; it was the work of a conjuration of all good
men, yea and good women. But it cost a mighty effort!
The deeds wrought by the sword, immortal though they
be, were as an easy triumph, when compared with the vic-
tory of those who "through faith subdued kingdoms and
turned to flight armies.11 And who were these: Time would
fail me to tell of them all ; their name is Legion. But some
there were of higher stature, some whose clearness of
vision and whose power of utterance made them the guides
and leaders of their fellow-men, the molders of opinion,
the inspirers of great undertakings. And among these one
may, without, envy, name such as Dr. YVayland, President
Sears, Bishop Clark, Dr. Hall, Dr. Caldwell, Dr. Swain,
Governor Hoppin, Senator Anthony, Mayor Knight, C. A.

PROVIDENCE IN CIVIL WAR DAYS 81

Updike, A. C. Barstow, T. A. Jenckes, Mayor Doyle, Abra-
ham Payne.

And there is another, one whose voice was less frequently
heard on public platforms, but who wrought with powerful
pen, shaping the thoughts of thousands, James B. Angell,
the editor of the Journal. As a mighty rock in a weary land
were his editorials in those early years of the War, when
delay and defeat taxedjpatience and faith to the uttermost,
when even the strong were assailed by doubt and fear. His
faith was unshakable ; he never despaired of the Republic ;
however dark the sky, he resolutely set his face toward the
light. No faint-heart he, to be cowed by disaster , nor yet a
shallow optimist, trusting to lucky stars. He saw, and there-
fore he believed. He saw, with the eye of a prophet, the
issues involved in the struggle ; and once he had seen them,
he could no more doubt the final outcome than he could
question the Eternal Justice. "Let us remember," he wrote
in August 1861, when sickening fear lay on the hearts of
thousands and men were already talking of compromise,
"Let us remember that we are acting our part in an arena on
which a cloud of witnesses are looking ; that we are right-
ing not only for regulated liberty here, but for the cause of
free institutions everywhere ... let us bear in mind that mil-
lions of hearts across the water are throbbing with anxiety
in our behalf, and praying that victory may rest upon our
standards. Let us rise to some appreciation of the magni-
tude, the far-reaching results, the world-wide significance
of the great struggle in which we are engaged. The victory
is not to be won by men of fitful impulse, but by the men
of steady and persistent courage, the men who find in de-
feats arguments and stimulus for new and mightier efforts"
(August 26, 1861). Day after day with untiring persistence
he preached this saving gospel of implicit confidence in the
great cause, which could not, must not, fail, and of whole-
hearted support of him to whom its guardianship had been
committed, — "Trust the President, stand by the Govern-
ment!" His logic was invincible ; his words burnt them-

82 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

selves into the mind. He struck hard, but never with malice j
he could wield the lash of rebuke, but never, not once, did
a single scurrilous word fall from his pen. Capable of deep
feeling, for he had a poet's sensitiveness, he never allowed
passion to obscure his vision nor distort his judgment. His
every utterance was sane and j udicious.

The influence of such an imperturbable soul was irresist-
ible. Minds temporarily dazed by disaster recovered their
poise j drooping spirits revived, and with the coming of
September the town took on a more cheerful air. Bull Run
was a sorry failure, but after all, they said, it was not irre-
parable j the blockade was a success j McClellan was "organ-
izing victory" j the boys at the front were well and in the
best of spirits ( as anyone might know from the letters of
"Canonicus," "Wampanoag," "Narragansett," and "What
Cheer, Jr." which appeared almost daily in the Journal).
Business was improving j several firms had contracts for
army cloth j cotton was high, 20c, but the mills were still
supplied j the Providence Tool Company had a contract for
25,000 muskets j Mansfield and Lamb were making bayo-
nets -j Corliss and Nightingale were making breech-loading
cannon; a company had been formed to manufacture the
Burnside rifle. So there was plenty of work, good prices, and
general contentment.

If there were any idle hands in Providence they surely
were not those of women. But two months in existence, and
the Ladies Volunteer Relief Association had already col-
lected and forwarded 12,500 garments, to say nothing of
towels, socks, handkerchiefs and minor accessories; had
given work to 522 needy women, and had paid out $2,000.
The managers fully merited the Journal's praise as "ladies
of large experience, excellent judgment, and warm sympa-
thies." All through the War, with unflagging energy these
devoted women carried on this beneficent work, and no
statistics can give an adequate idea of the service they
rendered.

The Sanitary Commission was not a whit behind in rais-
ing contributions of money and supplies for the sick and

PROVIDENCE IN CIVIL WAR DAYS 83

wounded. The children, too, did their bit: the pupils at
the Arnold Street Grammar School sent in forty-two com-
forts, seven quilts, three blankets, one pair of mittens, all
their own work. From the children of the Prospect Street
School came qui Its ; two little boys gave up their feather
pillows for sick soldiers and said they "would make their
bolsters do." With truth might "Canonicus" write back
home, "No State surpassed, and few equalled, Rhode
Island in her care of her troops."

Incidentally, those hospital boxes were not all pillows
and mittens. A list of their contents reads like a grocer's
inventory j every conceivable sort of food was included.
And not only food. Smuggled away between blankets and
bandages was many a bottle of good cheer j for these sis-
ters of mercy bound up wounds, after the manner of the
Good Samaritan, "pouring in oil and wine." And for wine
they laid every growing thing under contribution, — elder-
berry wine, blackberry wine, strawberry wine, whortleberry
wine, currant wine, grape wine, cherry wine, claret wine,
Muscat wine; and for ballast, cider! Once in my life I saw
a wine-card, but compared with this list, it was as a primer in
comparison with a dictionary.

Toward the close of October the day of Prayer and Fast-
ing was observed in all the Churches. The heart of the
Nation was heavy; for again, at Manassas, its arms had
suffered defeat. Instinctively it turned to the God of its
Fathers, and in repentance and supplication found strength
and peace. But it was hard, waiting for victory. The war-
news was far from encouraging. McClellan's army wras in-
active. Burnside's Roanoke expedition, although ultimately
successful, met with many delays and accidents, and they
had counted upon Burnside and his Rhode Island reg-
iments. Christmas passed, not without its Christmas boxes
to the boys at the front, and the New Year entered, and
still no victory. At last, about the middle of February, came
the cheering news of the fall of Fort Donelson, and the
heart of the North revived. The Journal hailed it as "the
decisive battle in the West," and the joy of the city found

84 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

vent in salutes, the ringing of bells and illuminations. The
chimes of Grace Church knew only patriotic tunes that
night, "Hail Columbia," "Yankee Doodle," "America,"
the "Old Bristol March," and the "Marseillaise," the
battle hymn of democracy the world over.

{To be concluded}

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest

he Service de Sante Franco-is Pendant la Guerre d'lnde-
-pendance des Etats Unis, by Maurice Bouvet, published
at Paris in 1934, is a monograph of 1 1 1 pages containing
many references to the French military and naval hospitals
in Rhode Island.

History and Genealogy of the haphan/. Wells, Storle
(and) Johnson Families by Olene Lapham, 1934, is a pri-
vately printed pamphlet of 29 pages, wrhich contains some
Rhode Island genealogy.

The Gibbs Family of Rhode Island by George Gibbs,
New York, 1 933, is a beautiful privately printed volume of
193 pages with twenty illustrations.

Reminiscences of East Greenwich by Henry E. Turner,
an address delivered in 1891, has been recently re-
published by the East Greenwich Free Library as a pam-
phlet of 32 pages.

Notes

Miss Marguerite Appleton has been elected to member-
ship in the Society.

Important Roger Williams' Letter

The letter of Roger Williams, which was recently pur-
chased by Mr. Frederick S. Peck of Barrington, does not
appear to have been printed in full before, but extracts from
it were printed in Backus' "History of the Baptists", in the
Narragansett Club Publications, in the Catalogue of the
Terry sale, and elsewhere. Through the kindness of Mr.
Peck we are printing this letter in full.

An Answer to a scandalous papr wch came to my hand from
the Massachusets clamouring agst the purchase & sland-
ering the purchases of Qunnunnagut Hand, & sub-
scribed-by John Easton.

The good providence of the God of Truth seemes to call
me to discover the Truth of proceedings touching this
Hand: partly as it hath pleased his Mercy to use me as
an Instrumt, betweene the English of Rode Hand & the
Natives about Rode Hand, Qunnunnagut & from the
beginning partly, as I have bene calld out by Letters
from the Massachuset & from Rode Hand, as allso by
Importunities from the Natives to travell in this busi-
nes: partly, as it concernes me (in many respects) some
thing more then every one, to endeavour the peace &
Libertie of the Colony within it selfe, & betweene this
Colony & the other Colonies & the Barbarians round
about us. And lastly, this Fierbrand having bene sent
about the Countrey, & even to the Gover hand of the
Massachuset, & from his to mine, I judge it my dutie
not to be unwilling to put to this seasonable hand to
quench it.

I shall first premise a word to the purchase of Rode Hand
with the Grasse of Qunnunnagut &c with wch this papr
begins

86 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIKTY

I have acknowledged (& have & shall Endeavor to main-

taine) the Rights & proprieties of every Inhabitant of
Rode Hand in peace. Yet since there is so much sound
& noyes of purchase & purchasers; 1 judge it not un-
seasonable to declare the Rise & bottome of the planting
of Rode Hand in the fountaine of it. It was not price nor
Money tht could have purchased Rode Hand. Rode
Hand was obtained by Love: by tht Love & Favour wch
that honble Gentleman Sr Hen. Vane and my selfe had
with tht great Sachim Miantunnomu about the Leauge,
wch I procurd betweene the Massachuset English &c. &
the Narrigansets in the Pequt War.

It is true, I advised a Gratuitie to be presented to the Sachim
& the Natives And because Mr. Coddington, & the rest
of my Lo: Countrimen were to inhabite the place, & to
be at the charge of the Gratuitie I drew up a writing in
Mr. Coddingtons name, & the names of such of my Lo:
Countrimen as came up with him, & put it into as sure a
Forme as I could at tht time ( amongst the Indians ) for
the Benehte & Assurance of the present & future In-
habitants of the Hand.

This I mention tht as tht truely noble Sr Flen. Vane hath
bene so great an Instrumt in the hand of God for the
procuring of this Hand from the Barbarians as allso for
the procuring & confirming of the charter So it may by
ail due & thanckfull acknowledgmt be remembred &
recorded of us & ours, wch reape & enjoy the Sweete
fruits of so great Benehtes & such unheard of Liberties
amongst us.

Againe, a word ( in generall ) as to this Hand of Qunnunna-
gut, the truth is, tht at my Earnest motion, tht great
Sachim (aforesaid) gave us leave to cut the grasse of
Qunnunnagut, & of other Hands ( some excepted in wch
Mr. Wintrop & my selfe had interest ). And it is allso
true, tht these two present dissenting Sachims (with
whom John Easton joynes) &i their Father deceased,
have long & most barbarously abused the Inhabiants of

ROGER WILLIAMS LETTER S7

Rode Hand, about the cutting of Grasse on Qunnunna-
gut, driving them (for their peace sake) to hire & pay
for at extreame rates, their owne Grasse, wch the former
Great Sachim most freely granted to us. In wch respect
( to end the barbarous Controversie & wrong) as allso
to further & advance tht great End of planting & subdu-
ing this barbarous Countrey to English Industrie &
Civilitie. I have longed for & rejoice in the purchase of
this Hand: And tl\t rather because, as it lyeth in the
bosome of the Colony & so convenient for Rode Hand:
So it pleased the right honble the Councell of State, by
Authoritie of Parliamt, to nominate this Hand in one
of their particular expresses relating to us.

Now as to the charges in this false paper agst the Purchasers
(who are the greatest part of all the chiefe Inhabitants
of Rode Hand both Magistrates & others) this fowle
mouth clamors, tht they are false & prhdious, & ( in
effect) cheaters, Drunckards, Murtherers &c.

First, false & prfidious, because being appointed by the
Towne of Newport to Purchase it for the Towne, they
Purchased it for themselves.

I answer: questionly if this had bene the case, it had bene a
prfidious Act: but this is not the case, it is either ignor-
antly or enviously mistaken, & so represented ugly: I
have observed & examined this busines to the bottome,
& I find not, but tht as to ( the substance of ) the pro-
ceedings of the purchasers, they have not only bene just
& righteous, but allso deliberate & prudent, & ( in a
manner ) unavoidable & necessary.

For the truth is, this busines of Qunnannagut was intangled
& clogd with many thornie Controveries & extreame
difficulties, the English at Newport have bene at Long
& Constant Contention with these 2 Young Sachims &
their Father, about the cutting the Grasse on Qunnun-
nagut. And it is the wonderfull mercy of God tht the
English & Pagan bloud hath not bene yearely mixt
togeather about this matter: In So much tht Such of the

OO RHODE [SLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Inhabitants as had Interest in these Medowes were
forced to petition the Towne, of Newport, in their
Towne meeting; either to stand by them ( tht is by force
of Armes) in the cutting of their Medowes, or else to
give them leave to make a New Purchase themselves.

The Towne of Newport wrote to me about this matter &
allso to chose out a Committee of Six men to Endeavor a

New Purchase.

Now allso, the English were at Controversie amongst them-
selves about a New Purchase: Newport and Portsmouth
could not agree about it. Nor the Towne of Newport
within it selfe: And those very Commrs appointed to
make the Purchase could not agree in whose name the
Purchase should be made, whether in the Towne of
Newports name, or in the name of all the Inhabitants of
Rode Hand; & there fore were glad to pitch upon a
third tearme Viz: tht they would Purchase it [ For com-
mon good.]

Lastly the very Acts & Orders of the Towne of Newport
were at Controversie & devided one agst another about
this matter. By one Act six men were chosen to make a
purchase. Endeavors were used, & moneys laid out. But
within a few months a crosse Act was procurd by some
Viz: tht they should stand to their former purchase, &
not proceede in any further purchase: By wch Act the
former Commrs were deserted & befoold & their monies
& charges Laid out never accounted. The dore was still
left open to Continuall Contention & hazard of Bloud-
shed (about the Medowes) betweene the English & the
Barbarians And a New dore of Temptacion opened for
any other (English or foreigners) to make a purchase
(of wch very thing there was not a vaine report then
abroad extant.) Now let all impartiall & sober minded
judge, what obligation Lay upon the 6 men appointed
(as the paper Simply Speaks) to make the purchase;
what prndiousnes appeares in any of them, if after their
being shamefully turnd out of their Trust & Ap-

ROGER WILLIAMS LETTER 89

pointmt wch they had sollemnly with subscription
undertaken & (their time & charges never accounted for
to them) faithfully discharged: And after the Townes
declaration tht they would make no purchase: And the
Hand was in hazard & like to be bought by others: I say
what prfidiousnes appeares in any of them, if (about 2
years after all the former Agitations ) a Select & resolved
Company of Voluntiers out of all the Hand, Ports-
mouth & Newport* breake through all Difficulties &
resolve (for their own & the publike good, both of Hand
& Colony) to goe thorough with the Worckr Yea I
querie whether if these purchasers ( so fowlely repre-
sented by the slanderour as prhdious fellowes &c) had
not stept forth with so timely a Resolution & vigour for
their owne & the publike good: whether they could have
wiped out the Blot & Imputation of being false & perfi-
dious to- themselves & the whole Hand:

But alas, how easie & common is it for arrant whores to cry
whore first? For (if this be John Eastons pen or sub-
scribing), how is it tht in the beginning of this papr he
playes the Attorney for the right of all the Inhabitants
of Rode Hand, & yet in his second thoughts & Lines of
the same papr he once & againe bloteth out all Ports-
mouth & snatcheth all to his owne Towne of Newport,
for wch prfidious dealing ( from his owne pen apparent)
I presume tht no honest man of Newport will give him
thancks:

Again this prfidious paper acknowledged tht we live by
Lawes, & Saith ( wch is a mistake ) tht the Narrigansets
have bound themselves to our Lawes, in Controversies
between us & them And, though he knowes tht the very
principles & Consciences of ye Massachusets & the other
Colonies, destroy our Liberties & teare up our very
Foundacion & Constitution. And though he knowes tht
his Highnes the Lo: Protector his Courts are open
amongst us, & tht neither himselfe nor any tht I know
of hath made complaint, or commenced any Suit agst

90 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

any of the purchasers: yet hath he most prhdiously
joyned with these bruitish pagans (who have dealt so
Jong so basely with Rode Hand about their Medowes)
to hinder the bringing of this Hand from paganisme to
Civilitiej yea & allso to bring in all the other Colonies
( c\ especially the Massachusetts on us, from whence so
many are expressly or (in effect) expelld & banished.
He knowes what numbers in every Towne of the Colony
are obnoxious & liable to the prisons & whips & Halters
of the Massachusets (for their Religion sake) even his
owne Father as much as any: what gracious Spirit then
(either of Anger, Envy or Revenge) is this child of,
who can subscribe & joyne with the very Pagans to bring-
in an Inundation of Calamitie upon us, yea & to hazard
the very hanging of his owne Father:

Another charge is tht they made this purchase of Druncken
Sachims tht they sold them Liquors wch made them
drunck &c.

I answer: First his distinction of Druncken & Sober honest
Sachims, is both Lamentable & ridiculous: Lamentable
tht all the Pagans are So given to Drunckennes. It is
ridiculous allso tht these two dissenting Sachims should
be estemmd such Sober honest men. When (besides the
Long experience of their owne & their Fathers honestie
about the Meadowes ) it is notoriously knowne what
conscience all Pagans make of Lying, Stealing, Whor-
ing, Murthering &c. And as for Drunckennes allso, they
will not Say themselves (especially the youngest of the
two ) but tht it is their frequent & delightful! practice.

But as to the imputation of making them drunck ( I suppose
he hath some other meaning then tht childish Fancie
tht the Liquors made the Indians drunck ) I ans: I have
examined these particulars following & I find upon
unquestionable Testimonie tht the Sachims when they
went to the Hand to treat were sober: that when they
treated they were sober (& all meanes of their Distemp
purposely kept from them) When they contracted &

ROGER WILLIAMS LETTER 91

concluded they were Sober: When they receaved pay-
mts they were Sober: they have bene allso sober when in
their most publike Sollemne meetings they have sol-
lemly declared to all Natives their Sale of the Hand &
their Resolution to maintaine their Act.

And if the Natives had Liquor & were distempered before
or after, what is tht to the invalidating or aspersing of a
Businesr If so, what contracts, what purchases among
Merchants or others in this Countery, or any Countery
shall stand & be effectuallr

Lastly the purchasers are Said to countenance the druncken
Sachims to cheating the honest Sachims & the Inhabi-
tants & to kill them &c.

I answer as there have bene many of these Indian princes &
their Lords bene satisfied (besides those two first
Sachims- who sold & had unquestionable Right to Sell:)
So have there bene many large proffers tendred to these
two young dissenting Sachims from first to last. But as
they inherite their Fathers Basenes about ye Meadowes,
So doe they inherite his Barbarous Spirit, as to Bargaines
with the English. He (& the elder of these ) being rich
in peag have made demaunds like themselves. He for
some other Lands, & these for this Hand, Viz. That we
should furnish them with poyson to dispatch Onkas:
that we should constantly send the English Souldiers
with theirs agst Onkas ; that we should constantly send
up contribucion to their Niccommoes or Devilish Feasts:
On these & other such abominable Tearmes they have
off red to consent & tht without any other paymt :

Lastly it is well knowne tht these two young Sachims would
not stirr (for the other Sachims maintaine their Sale, by
their owne Constant practice & Customes) did not the
Subscriber or some other mould or sharpen them to a
mischiefe.

But the true God is a Righteous Judge & his Justice shines
in two or three particulars about this Hand First the

92 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

obstructors of the former & Later purchasing of this
Hand are like to have little share in it.

2ndly Such as have peaceably & patiently long borne the
baseness of these two Sachims & their Father about their
Meadows are now like to be well supplied.

3rdly these honest & Sober Sachims who have thus prop-
agated their Fathers wickednes toward the English are
like to be cut shore of their Fair proffers wch hietherto
Pride & Folly have refused.

By this time, I hope I have (in some measure) stopt the
mouth & shewd the weakenes & wickednes, of these Out-
ragious clamors: But ( as before ) I add Since the Subscriber
mencions his Highnes the Lo: Prot: tht if any Law he broke
or wrong done, no man amongst us, but in his Highnes
Courts of Justice in the Colony is responsable & liable to an
Equall Triall. But if the Subscriber had in truth owned his
Highnes Authoritie over us, or had respected the Colonies
peace & Liberties: this naked Indian Bastard had never thus
bene sent to bawle over the Countrey ( to the shame of its
barbarous Nakednes) Nor had bene thus whipt & sent home
to its owne Father by

Providence 25.6 A Cordial friend to this Colony &

all the English
1 659 (so called ) Colonies R. W.

Correction

In line 19 of page 54 of volume 27 of the Collections,
please read Pearce instead of Pierce.

Address Delivered at the Opening of the

South County Museum at Wickford

on June 2, 1934

By William Davis Miller

Your Excellency, Mr. President, Officers, Members and
Friends of the South County Museum, truly can I say that never
before have I been able, with such sincerity, to express the honor
and the pleasure which 1 feel for having been afforded this
opportunity. For by the conception and the execution of the idea
"to encourage the study and better understanding of early Ameri-
can life and industry in the home, in the shop, on the farm and
on the sea; and especially to discover, identify, classify, preserve
and exhibit the tools, implements, utensils, instruments, vehicles,
appliances and mechanical devices used . . ." the founders of
this South County Museum have filled in a gap in the historical
record of this, our State, that was sadly needed although long
appreciated by students of the colonial and early federal days,
appreciated but never until now remedied. Therefore, we who
did not act are the more eager to applaud those who have.

It would appear to be an abiding trait of man that the majority
will ever seek to preserve that which is considered the finest and
richest evidences of the years that have past. It is a laudable trait
if not carried to extremes but is very liable to lead to a habit of
relegating the humble but necessary examples of the labors of our
forefathers to those dark and dusty corners under the eaves
where they remain in perennial jeopardy of the awful domestic
rite . . . Spring Cleaning. By the same token when a craftsman is
considered, we are wont to think first of his finished work, then
if he has achieved success, in a lesser degree of the man himself
but practically not at all of the tools he used and the method and
craft employed.

The museums and the historical societies in general, because of
this and also because of the habitual penury which such institu-
tions suffer, can not round out their collections, despite the real-
izations and desires of an antiquarian curator who understands
the unevenness of the collection under his charge but whose hands
are bound by lack of space and funds . . . and often by the am-
bitious and competitive impulses of his board of trustees.

Now you gentlemen have come forward and remedied this

94 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

serious defect of balance, not only in this glorious old Narragan-
sett Country but for and to the benefit of the whole State, you
have set up a collection that is, and will ever be, an invaluable
supplement to the fine museums of which Rhode Island is so
justly proud. And you have chosen well the situation for your
work, for the Narragansett Country, the King's Province, the
King's County, Washington County, the South County ... to
give it all its names throughout the ages ... is the most suitable,
the most typical, the most comprehensive of all the counties in
the State for the location of a museum of this sort, a museum of
the home, the shop, the farm and the sea. A county of great
farms from the latter half of the seventeenth century . . . this
barn stands on land included in the great Smith . . . later Up-
dike . . . estate, estimated at one time to contain over three thou-
sand acres . . . great farms of rich lands and of richer avails in
horses, cattle, sheep, dairy products and grains. So great was the
potential value of this district in the eyes of the early colonists
that for a long time it was a veritable Tom Tidler's Ground, the
cause and scene of a long and bitter struggle to wrest this Narra-
gansett Country from the jurisdiction of the stubborn little
Colony of Rhode Island whose jealous protection, however, at
last overcame the covetous designs and hostile acts of her neigh-
bors and resident advocates.

On these broad acres lived the families of the Narragansett
Planters, who created for themselves a frankly autocratic com-
munity, but being influenced, doubtlessly, by the climate and the
beauties of this countryside, and certainly unhampered by re-
strictions enforced by a theocratic power, this autocracy was
mellowed by a geniality and warmth unknown in the cold and
more rarified atmosphere of the nearby colonies.

In those early days, and until adverse economic restrictions,
which led to the Revolution, broke up the majority of their
rstates, the whole of the South County benefited by the presence
of these landholders. Their prosperity was reflected throughout
the country-side and as they prospered so did the shop-keeper,
the craftsmen, the miller and the shipwright. The best evidence
of this is found in the fact that this community was able to
support such silversmiths of merit as Samuel Casey, John Waite
and Nathaniel Helme. whose craft was entirelv dependent upon
proximity to wealth and was therefore one rarely found at such a
distance from rich towns and cities. Again the Planters must
needs find outlets for their produce, and as in those days com-
merce was almost entirely seaborn, it was natural, despite the
considerable use made by the Planters of the port of Newport,
that not only docks but also shipyards were numerous along the
bavside. Therefore because of this wealth benefiting the farms,

SOUTH COUNTY MUSEUM 95

the villages, in fact the whole county, we can well consider that
the old South County had within its confines all the different
aspects of life and trade of the Colonial days and upon an un-
usually generous scale. This latter remark may be further em-
phasized by considering the amounts levied by the Colonial Gov-
ernment upon the several townships. For a number of years the
greatest amount is found against Newport, with South Kings-
town second and Providence third.

And if all this leaves some Doubting Thomas to be convinced,
let him examine the inventories, those documentary proofs of the
life, work and wealth of the families of the South County. All
their belongings ; their home, household goods, tools and imple-
ments, cattle and poultry, rarely their dogs (and never their cats) ,
are all carefully recorded and from these lists we see what man-
ner of men they were and what their occupation. These inven-
tories not only serve as a veritable guide to the formation of a
collection such as this, but also provide a means of identification
of unfamiliar items.

Of a certainty much so listed has suffered through the passage
of years and the various forms of destruction caused by careless-
ness, neglect and abuse, but we can still hope to find a cheese vat
similar to those in the cheese house of Robert Hazard which were
reputed to have a capacity of one bushel, and that was Hazard's
second size at that ! Of course if we should come across the "old
tobacco knife and pair of tobacco tongues" which belonged to
George Babcock they should at once be taken to the Gilbert Stuart
snuff mill, but we would not part with such a flax seed press as
the one used by Samuel Wilson, in moments of abandon, to stamp
out counterfeit Spanish Milled Dollars upon blanks of base metal
made, and willingly supplied, by that master craftsman, albeit
rogue, Samuel Casey. This museum ought to have at least one of
Rowland Robinson's twelve trenchers and for exhibition pur-
poses, save on high days and holidays, all five of George Hazard's
punch bowls. I wonder if his canoe was a dugout, I believe that
it was, and I would be interested in some tools of the shipwrights
who built the "Sloop South Kingstown . . . Burthen about 100
Tons . . . having been out on a trading Voyage in her return
home from ... a French settlement in Hispaniola . . . was at-
tacked, seized and taken on 18th of March 1741 ..." \Ye know
she was built in South Kingstown and possibly in Hazard's yards
at Watson's Pier on Boston Neck.

Now there is another important feature and duty of the South
County Museum . . . the preservation of antiquities. You have
certainly succeeded in arousing the interest of not only the South
County but of the whole State, and the maintenance of this
enthusiasm by you will be the means of the preservation of an

96 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

untold number of valuable and interesting examples of tools.
implements and house-hold gear. Ignorance, which is often-
times simply interest not aroused, has been responsible for the
loss of more evidences of the past than fire and water. The attic,
woodshed and the barn loft have probably received more antiques
than the museums, received them to he the food for animals and
vermin and then to suffer total destruction in the rubbish heap.
This is still going on, and can only he stopped by interesting-
people in the possible historical value of even the most seeming
trifle; and by further providing a place for its reception, which
you have done.

Therefore, maintain the interest and the knowledge which you
have aroused, so that when that terrible aftermath of the sulphur
and molasses season is next upon the land, when the broom is
dampened and everything is moved out, and put hack again, all
scrubbed, polished and tidied up ; when forgotten things make
their unexpected appearance, to be either tucked away once more
or ruthlessly thrown out ; the householder will pause in the midst
of his or her labor and think "Now is this queer looking old con-
traption any good to the South County Museum" and will there
upon bring it here to find out. And my advice to you is to take
it and encourage the giver ; and you will find much fine metal in
the occasional dross.

So once more I wish to offer congratulations to the founders,
especially to Mr. Lownes whose modesty can not be allowed to
belittle the great tribute due to him. Tn the establishment of this
museum you have created for yourselves, and for those who will
surely follow you, a responsibility which you must not shirk.
You owe to the future fulfilment of the promise you have made.
You will have loyal support ; and in the hard work ahead, as in
the hard work which you have completed, there will be a just
sense of satisfaction . . . and there will be fun.

Form of Legacy

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island
Historical Society the sum of
dollars."

Koci-k Williams Press

I . A. Johnson Co.

PROVIDENCE

Rhode Island

Historical Society

Collections

Vol. XXVII

OCTOBER, 1934

NEWPORT LIGHT INFANTRY CAP

(See page 97)

Issued Quarterly

No. 4

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island

CONTENTS

PAGE

Newport Light Infantry Insignia

by W. L. Calver . . . Cover and 97

Providence in Civil War Days

by Theodore Collier ....

Clock made by Caleb Wheaton .

103

Flag of the Horse Guards ....

114

Seal of Cumberland .....

117

Privateers of 1798 .

118

Ponaganset dugout .....

119

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest .

123

Notes

123

Colonial Heraldry ; Ballou

illustrated by Harold Bowditch .

124

Indian Implements .....

125

Westconnaug Purchase ....

127

RHODE
HISTORICAL

ISLAND

SOCIETY

COLLECTIONS

Vol. XXVII

OCTOBER, 1934

No. 4

H. Anthony Dyer, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.

Newport Light Infantry Company Insignia

By W. L. Calver

I noticed recently in some publications* a rather indis-
tinct illustration of the cap of the Newport Light Infantry
Company, which is now in the Royal United Service Insti-
tute at Whitehall, London. I sketched the cap some years
ago while I was in London. I am wondering if the full
import of the device upon the front of the cap has been
noted. America holds in her left hand an olive branch and
liberty cap, while in reserve partly concealed in her right
hand is a sword. I translate the motto as "Country is dear,
but Liberty is dearer ;" the very sentiment that Webster
decried: "Liberty first and union afterward."

Doubtless upon its ribbon above the anchor was "Hope."
Several members of the Newport Light Infantry became
officers in the Continental Line. The cap was probably car-
ried away from Newport by the British in 1 780.

* Emblems of Rhode Island. Illustrations of the Seal, Arms and Flags
of Rhode Island, page 29.

98 RHODK ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Providence in Civil War Days

By Theodore Collier

{Continue// from Page S4)

The clouds had begun to lift. It was not strange that
Washington's Birthday that year, 1 862, was observed with
more than customary fervor. The hundred guns that
saluted the day spoke in tones of confidence and determina-
tion, tones which were echoed in the pulpit of the Old First
Baptist Meeting House by Dr. Wayland and Bishop Clark.
There was no vainglorying nor boasting, no painting of
rainbows. True prophets as they were, they gave warning
of trials yet to be endured ; but through all their words there
breathed a sublime faith that would not be denied. And
those who listened found their own hope rekindled and
their own courage renewed. All over the land that day
other Waylands and other Clarks were preaching the same
message. And the North took heart again. Something within
gave it assurance of final victory; through whatever dark
valleys and across whatever bloody fields its path might
lead it would end in victory and peace. It was the turning
of the spiritual tide.

Yes, the North had a vision of victory. Already it was
singing a new song, the song of her who had seen the
"Glory of the Coming of the Lord," the "Glory Hallelujah
Song," they called it then, first sung in our streets by the
boys of the 1 Oth Battery as they marched out.

The winter of discontent was wearing to a close; Spring
was at hand, and with Spring new successes: Beaufort,
Newbern and Ft. Macon ( these to Burnside's credit ) ;
Island No. 10; and, greatest of all, the brilliant exploit of
the Monitor, a battle which opened a new era in naval war-
fare. "How John Bull will gaze upon his wooden navy
and ask in despair what it is worth!" cried the Journal, in
exultation. John Bull's navy, no longer wooden, serves a

PROVIDENCE IN CIVIL WAR DAYS 99

different purpose just now, and no one of us is disposed to
question its worth. But we have no need to excuse our
fathers for their taunting j they had endured much at the
hands of England, England from whom, among all the
nations of Europe, they most expected discerning sympathy.

Apropos of the Monitor, its inventor John Ericsson was
promptly claimed by Rhode Island as a descendant of
Lief Ericsson, "the first Rhode Islander," A. D. 1000 or
thereabouts. As for the Monitor itself, it paid the penalty
of fame — it had a hat named after it, and, I presume, like-
wise a cigar j but I will vouch for the hat.

Burnside's achievements in North Carolina received the
grateful recognition of the State that was ever proud to do
him honor. Upon his return in the fall he was voted the
thanks of the General Assembly and presented with a
beautiful sword of ceremony.

But things were going badly on the James. Banks had
suffered a reverse ; McClellan failed before Yorktown and
was compelled to retire. The cry was raised, "The Capital
is in danger." The call went forth for new levies. Rhode
Island answered with her oldtime promptness. In the words
of the Journal, "The men sprung to their swords, the
women to their needles." Men hurried again from their
counting rooms and workshops j students dropped their
books and fell into the ranks j mothers who had already
sent sons to war heroically bade their other sons God-speed j
brides parted tearfully but bravely with their husbands j
the sorriest and saddest men were those who could not go.
Fifty students of the University volunteered ; and seven-
teen of the High School boys. Within two days a regiment,
the 9th, under Col. Robbins, had been sent off; in less than
a week, another, under Col. Bliss, had followed.

But even these proved not enough. In July came a
second and more urgent call for 300,000 men. The situa-
tion seemed desperate. McClellan was retreating, and rein-
forcements were needed at once, or the whole campaign in
Virginia might collapse. For the first time Rhode Island

100 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

lagged. It was past believing. Even bounties failed to move
her; she seemed indifferent alike to danger and to duty.
Day after day, with ever-rising inflection, the Journal
pleaded for the safety of the Republic and the honor of the
State: "Rouse yourselves, men of the North! Choose you,
where you will fight, along the Potomac, or on the banks
of the Delaware or, mayhap, of the Connecticut! "

But recruits only trickled in. Something must be done,
and without delay. A great mass meeting was called in
Market Square. For an hour before the time of assembling
the bells were rung and the band paraded the streets. The
meeting was presided over by the Mayor, Jabez C. Knight;
on the platform sat all the Conscript Fathers. The Governor
spoke; likewise the Lieutenant Governor, the Bishop and
many others, their peers in eloquence. For three hours it
went on, the enthusiasm mounting with the temperature, —
it was August. It was a "grand success" — as a meeting; but
the immediate results were meagre, and it was not until
September that a regiment was raised, and not until well
into October that it left for the front.

And it is doubtful whether even this could have been
accomplished without the spur of fear — Lee had crossed
the Potomac — and without the lure of high bounties. Lee's
invasion of Maryland left no room for argument; the
Government must have more men, and must have them at
once! Recruiting was made the order of the day. Ward
committees were organized; daily meetings were held;
every afternoon for a week business was suspended; a
recruiting tent was pitched on the Bridge, another at Hoyle
Square. The advertising columns of the papers bristled with
appeals for volunteers. Subscription lists for bounties were
opened; Henry Lippitt offered $1,000 to the ward that
first raised its quota; A. C. Barstow offered a second
$1,000; Mayor Knight, a third; from a score of wealthy
citizens came equally large contributions; in ten days
$70,000 was raised; and the city appropriated $ 1 00,000 for
the relief of soldiers' families. Seeing that we have de-

PROVIDENCE IN CIVIL WAR DAYS 101

scribed it, we claim the privilege of naming it: it was
Providence's first "drive" ; certainly it had all the symp-
toms of a "drive." It was a success ; but it was the last suc-
cess under the bounty system. What played the mischief
with volunteering? Bounties! At first prescribed in mod-
erate doses, as a tonic, they had come to be relied on as a
stimulant, with the inevitable consequence, the oftener
taken, the more requirecj.

And thus the good people of Providence came to the
edge of the second winter of the War. And here let us leave
off following the red trail for a bit, and make the round of
their city, drop into their homes, and "have a dish of
gossip."

The Providence of the '60s was far smaller and less
extended than the Providence of today. On the East Side
the built-up portion resembled an "L," of which Prospect,
Benefit and Main Streets constituted the upright, and
Wickenden, the foot. Along Angell and Waterman Streets
the houses ran fairly close together, almost if not quite to
the Seekonk. From Prospect they crept down over the Hill
toward Brown Street; but the section east of Prospect and
north of Angell was for the most part sparsely settled;
while beyond the Asylum and the Friends School, it was
open country, with here and there a farmhouse.

On the west side of the river the city spread out from
Market Square fan-wise; west and southwest along Wash-
ington, Westminster, Weybosset and Broad Streets; and
south along Dyer and Pine. Elmwood was considered pretty
well out; Olneyville, or Johnston, lay beyond the city
limits; Cranston was a neighboring village.

Where now we have the freight yards there was then
a Cove. The "business section" of the city comprised North
and South Main Streets, Westminster Street, Market
Square and Exchange Place. Says a contemporary descrip-
tion: "Westminster Street is becoming more and more an
attractive place of trade because of the showy and beautiful
stores that are springing up along its excellent sidewalks.

102 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

One by one the old fashioned shop fronts disappear, and the
new stores take on a metropolitan air just as naturally as
though it was a universal law of trade that success is de-
pendent upon using great panes."

To get about the city one walked or took a hack. The war
was half over before the rails of the first street-car line
were laid, from Exchange Place to Broad Street, via Dor-
rance, Westminster and High. Other lines were soon run
to Elmwood, Olneyville and Pawtucket, and along Wick-
enden and Washington Streets. The advent of the horse-
cars was an occasion for civic pride; "elegant vehicles!"
was the approving verdict; "it is a luxury to ride in them."

It was a town of wealth even then, the taxable prop-
erty of its 60,000 inhabitants being assessed at nearly
$60,000,000. Although on the tax lists there was but one
man rated as a millionaire, Alexander Duncan, there were
not a few men of what then passed for large fortunes. The
war stimulated business, and Providence grew richer year
by year. Many were the evidences of prosperity: a new
City Hall was built in 1865; the Rhode Island Hospital
was chartered in 1863. The real estate market was un-
usually active, and land values steadily rose. In 1 864 sales
amounted to nearly $3,000,000. Liberal contributions were
made to relief work and local charities; many church mort-
gages were paid off, the culminating proof of a surplus.

Cotton was then, as now, our great staple of manufac-
ture. The immediate effect of Secession was naturally to
restrict trade in the raw material. Receipts, which in 1860
had amounted to 160,000 bales, were reduced in 1861 and
1862 to about 57,000 bales. The capture of New Orleans
and of Vicksburg and the opening of the Mississippi re-
lieved the stringency somewhat; but even in 1864 only
107,000 bales were obtained. Prices shot up at the begin-
ning of the war and continued to rise every year. During
1861 the cost of raw cotton advanced from 38c to 68c ; dur-
ing the next year from 68c to 82c; in 1 864 there were times
when it brought as high as $1.88. Print cloth jumped from

Clock made by Caleb Wheaton of Providence
Bequeathed to the Society of C. Prescott Knight

104 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

-l-^c in 1860, to an average of 27c at the beginning of
1 865 j once it reached the dizzy height of 3Sl/2c. Only
with the return of peace did the cotton market recover its
equilibrium.

But business found adequate compensation in the de-
mand for war supplies. Shops and factories which, owing
to the "panic" of 1857, had been all but idle in I860, at
once became busy; there was employment for everyone.
By 1863, partly as a consequence of the drain of men into
the army, there was a scarcity of labor in some fields. There
were thousands of hands employed in munitions works.
The Burnside Rifle Company was turning out 100 rifles a
day; the Providence Tool Company 1 25 Springfields a day,
besides bayonets and ramrods; the Providence Gunlock
Company, a thousand locks a week. The Schubarth Com-
pany was assembling Springfield rifles and sending them
off at the rate of nearly two thousand a month; other con-
cerns were manufacturing various parts. The Corliss Com-
pand and the Providence Steam Engine Company were
building marine engines and boilers for the navy; the
Builders Iron was casting heavy ordnance, 1 1 inch and
13 inch Dahlgren guns, a gun every four days, besides five
tons of shot and shell a day. Here also were cast the
powerful guns for Ericsson's second monitor, the "Dic-
tator." But the greatest feat of casting was performed at
the Corliss works — two 100 inch cylinders for a gunboat;
34 tons of molten iron, the largest quantity that had ever
been poured in New England from a single reservoir, was
run into the mould in seventy-five seconds. Providence
was ingenious as well as industrious, and produced not a
few inventions in the way of guns or shells.

While certain staples, like cotton and iron, were high,
and most manufactured articles comparatively costly, pro-
visions were, if not cheap, at least reasonable throughout
the greater part of the war. Not until the beginning of '64
was there any material advance in prices. With all her
burdens and anxieties the housewife of the early '60s had

PROVIDENCE IN CIVIL WAR DAYS 105

much to be thankful for ; she was not dogged at every step
by the "High Cost of Living"; her calendar contained no
wheatless, meatless, porkless days. She did not have to
jeopardize her salvation by practicing deception on her men
folks, palming off scorpions for eggs; if her son asked for
bread she gave him pure wheat. She could afford to. Her
Sunday roast cost but 12-1 7c a pound; steak, sirloin or por-
terhouse, the same; turkey was considered high at 15c; a
pair of woodcock or a pavir of partridges could be bought
for 50c; lobster sold for 10c a pound; eggs, at 1 5c a dozen;
butter, at 20-30c a pound; lard, at 10c a pound; potatoes,
at 60-8 0c a bushel; flour, at around $7 a barrel. Sugar was
fairly high, 9- 12c; coffee was cheap, 24c, but of poor
quality. These were average prices for 1861 and 1862.
From the spring of J63 onward there was a steady but mod-
erate increase, until the winter of '64-'65 when everything
advanced sharply: beef to 30c; butter to 60c; eggs to 45c ;
potatoes to $1.40; white sugar to 30c a pound; flour to
$13.00 a barrel; kerosene to $1.00 a gallon.

But although the housewife was not called upon to enlist
under the standard of food conservation, it must not be
supposed that she was denied the opportunity of serving by
saving. Cheerfully she submitted to the necessity of econ-
omy; nay, she claimed it as a privilege. Clothes, in par-
ticular, were costly; and the problem of dress was no easy
one; but woman's wits were equal to it. She "made over"
and retrimmed. To save material, she shortened the
flounces; she used mousseline de laine in place of silk; or
she brightened up her rusty silk with alcohol and "made it
do." Here and there we meet a woman who had gone daft,
and fondly believed that the war can be won by shears. I
recall one who rushed into print with the announcement of
a grand discovery — $1,000,000 a year could be saved by
the women of the North, by simply making their dresses to
escape the ground by one inch, instead of letting them trail
on the ground two inches. If that woman had only had our
present fashion plates, she would have saved the whole
cost of the war and extinguished the national debt besides.

106 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Paris fashions decreed the disappearance of bonnets.
Birds, boughs of trees, kitchen gardens, all, all gone! —
"In April," says a contemporary, "every lady wore upon
her head the foliage, the fruits, the flying things of an island
in the Pacific. In June, the astonished opera glass explores
the brilliant crowd almost in vain to find one vestige of a
bonnet. The bonnet has retreated to the extreme rear; it
barely flanks the extreme right and left wings of the world
and voluminous coiffures into which fashionable beauty
twists, puffs, expands and frizzles its own hair, and all the
other hair upon which it can lay its hands."

But, even in war-times, it was not all work and worry,
buying and selling, fighting and praying. Men were not
always orating or enlisting, or hammering out great guns;
and women who sat down with unvarying regularity to sew,
occasionally rose up to play. How did they amuse them-
selves? There was the theatre, and it had much to offer as
regards both merit and variety. They might go to see Char-
lotte Cushman in various Shakespearean roles, or Laura
Keene in "Our American Cousin" and "She Stoops to Con-
quer"; or Wallack and the two Davenports in "Othello"
and "Richard III"; or Wilkes Booth in "Hamlet"; or the
"charming Maggie Mitchell," as "Katie O'Sheal." They
could feast their eyes on "Little Dolly Dutton, the tiniest,
most beautiful, most fairy-like and lovely specimen of
female humanity in the world"; or they could run with the
hounds in "Lmcle Tom's Cabin," or replenish their stock
of jokes at "Christie's Minstrels." Or, if they delighted in
the spectacular, they went to see the "Polyorama of the
War," a sort of Mid-Victorian "movie," except that it was
the spectator, not the picture, that did the moving. At other
times, Tom Thumb, Commodore Nutt, Herrmann, or
Artemus Ward held the stage. "Perfesser" Somebody-or-
other came with his "Laughing gas," producing "sensations
delightful beyond all the power of words to express." One
young lady under the influence of the gas recited "an orig-

PROVIDENCE IN CIVIL WAR DAYS 107

inal poem on Rhode Island." The place of the circus was
taken by the "Hippozoonomodon" and the "Athleclym-
pimantheum."

Lovers of music patronized the Italian Opera, which
came every year; or now and then they chartered a special
train and went up to Boston for an evening. In '63 a German
Company came and sang, three successive evenings, "Mar-
tha," "Faust," and "Der Freischutz." It was Providence's
first "operatic season" of its own, and it was justly proud of
the distinction.

For the improvement of the mind there were lectures,
the Lyceum series, the Mechanics Institute series, and many
others besides. Henry Ward Beecher, George William
Curtis, Wendell Phillips, Edward Everett, Charles Sum-
ner, Higginson, William Lloyd Garrison, — there were
giants in those days — came repeatedly to speak on the causes
and issues of the War. John Lord's historical lectures and
Bayard Taylor's travel-talks were popular. "Timothy Tit-
comb," on literary subjects, was always heard with delight.
The "red-hottest" speaker who came to Providence during
the War was, I believe, Parson Brownlow, who delivered a
slashing lecture on "Rotten Monarchies and Live Re-
publics."

The University reflected in every phase of her life the
influence of the War. From first to last there was never a
call for volunteers that did not bring Brown boys hurrying
to the colors. By September, 1862 half the college had
enlisted, and, said President Sears, "all the rest of us, Pro-
fessors and students alike, are ready to go whenever
needed." But what sort of soldiers were they? Were they
better or worse for "college"? How did their "higher edu-
cation" stand the acid test of war? Let a contemporary tes-
tify: "What patience and fortitude, what bravery and cool-
ness, what power of adaptation to new circumstances, what
readiness to obey, what skill in command, have these young
men, fresh from their studies, evinced. How has their char-
acter shone forth, the ripe fruit, the most splendid vindi-

108 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

cation of severe academic training and discipline: During
this war, when perhaps it was least expected by many, our
higher schools of learning have shown themselves, as never
before, entitled to the gratitude and affectionate support of
the Nation."

Commencement had alwavs been a considerable event in
the life of the community as well as of the University. But
the commencements of '6 1 -'65 were invested with an extra-
ordinary interest and celebrated with a fervor heightened
by patriotism. In 1861, an honorary degree was conferred
upon Col. Burnside. In 1862, the valedictorian appeared
upon the stage in uniform ; the dinner was graced by the
presence of the Governors of Massachusetts, New Hamp-
shire, Vermont, and Rhode Island; and Governor Andrew
of Massachusetts delivered an eloquent address. In 1863
the principal orator was George William Curtis, who spoke
on "Peace Through Victory"; and the youthful John Hay,
who had returned for his fifth anniversary reunion, read
a poem. It was in y63, too, that the portrait of General
Burnside, which now hangs in Sayles Hall, was presented
to the University. Shortly afterward portraits of Col.
Christopher Greene and Surgeon Solomon Drowne, both
Revolutionary heroes, and of General Rodman, who fell at
Antietam, were added to our hall of fame.

The never-to-be-forgotten event of 1864 was the Cen-
tennial Celebration. Hundreds of Alumni returned; the
array of distinguished guests was imposing; the procession
to the old Meeting House was an impressive sight. General
Burnside was everywhere greeted with applause. Dr. Sears
reviewed the history of the University ; George William
Curtis, Governor Chase of Ohio, and many others delivered
addresses. Goldwin Smith, who came as the spokesman of
English Liberalism to America, was the recipient of an hon-
orary degree, a grateful and fitting recognition of his
staunch advocacy of the cause of the Union at the bar of
English public opinion. John Hay could not be present, but
sent a poem which was read by Dr. Angell. The celebration

PROVIDENCE IN CIVIL WAR DAYS 109

was in every way worthy of the institution and in keeping
with the heroic spirit of that stern and glorious time.

And now with the revolving months we have come to the
fall of '64. Two years have passed since we left the City
Fathers orating in the Market Place, two years compact
with tremendous events. But lack of time forbids us to return
and rehearse the tale. Nor is there need ; for one day was like
unto another, and life rqoved on, now faster, now slower,
in grooves already worn deep by war. Time fails, and so we
must hurry past Antietam, where General Rodman fell,
and the brave young Ives; past the bloody slopes of Fred-
ericksburg, where Burnside, deserving better fortune, met
repulse, yet without loss of honor, and where Curtis and
Sayles found a glorious death; past Salem Heights,
where the Second Rhode Island held the right, and won
imperishable laurels; past Gettysburg, where our Batteries,
under Hazard, Arnold, Jastram and Bucklin, stood their
ground under the hottest fire and gave back shot for shot.
Nor can we stay to listen to the bells that rang out the
glorious news of Gettysburg, Vicksburg and Port Hudson;
nor to the song of deliverance that went up from a people
from whose hearts a great weight had been lifted; nor to
the prayers of thanksgiving, in which, with their President,
they prayed to be "led through paths of repentance and sub-
mission to the Divine Will back to the perfect enjoyment of
Union and fraternal peace."

Once more the country was called upon to choose a Pres-
ident. One name rose spontaneously to the lips of loyal
men. Only he who had led them thus far through the wil-
derness of war could be trusted to lead them into the prom-
ised land of peace. "The proper person to succeed Abraham
Lincoln is Abraham Lincoln," they said; "he must be
re-elected." And Rhode Island set about to do her full
share toward re-electing him. The campaign culminated in
the great rally of October 29. Never before had such a
gathering been held in Rhode Island. From far and near
they came, 15,000 persons, pouring into Market Square,

110 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

filling every inch of space from the What Cheer building
to Turk's Head, and overflowing into the side streets. The
Square was ablaze with lanterns and candles. Mayor Doyle
presided, and Senator Sprague made the first speech.
Senator Anthony followed ; then Abraham Payne, Amos
C. Barstow, Thomas A. Jenckes, and C. A. Updike. General
Burnside also spoke, and was greeted with tumultuous
applause.

Four days later, on the Wednesday preceding the elec-
tion, occurred the great parade. Let an eye-witness describe
the scene: "Every part of the State had its representation.
Men were here from the shores of the Pawcatuck and the
Little Narragansett, greeting their political brethren from
Buck Hill and Chopmist. The hardy fishermen on Point
Judith Pond countermarched by the delegations from
Branch River and the Beacon Pole. Men from Escoheag,
Racoon Hill and Nooseneck gave cheerful countenance and
a hearty God-speed to their fellow patriots from Mt. Hope
and Kickamuit. Seaconnet rolled up its loyal columns until
they met and mingled with our younger freemen from
beyond the Seekonk." It was an army with banners ; and on
their banners were inscribed such sentiments as, "The rail
of Secession is almost split; let Father Abraham have one
more blow" ; "The States that will go for Abe and Andy, —
the United States" ; "New England's triple Bs: Burnside,
Butler and Banks";

"To save the Union
We want no Quack
But trust again to Abe
And not to Little Mac."

PROVIDENCE IN CIVIL WAR DAYS HI

This last recalls one of their campaign songs,
"Oh, can the tale be true, boys?
We blush with shame to tell
Of the Chicago crew, boys;

And do you mark them well!
Our Country's faith was bartered there

Bv the unholy tribe;
But we the guilt will never share,
Nor take the Southern bribe.

For good old Father Abraham

We'll work through sun and rain;

For good old Father Abraham

We'll work with might and main."

And after the parade they went to the mammoth tent, which
had been set up behind the Cove, and listened to speeches
until night fell. Little wonder that Rhode Island voted
almost two to one for "Abe and Andy."

The war was drawing to a close. Atlanta fell in Decem-
ber 1864; Charleston, in the following February. Sher-
man's March had broken the back of the South; the col-
lapse of the Confederacy was but a matter of time. Lee,
consummate strategist though he was, could not forever
hold out against Grant's terrible pounding. The capture of
Charleston was celebrated with a passionate fervor, tinged
with bitterness at the recollection of Fort Sumter.

But the rejoicing over the capture of Charleston was
as nothing compared with the outburst of rapture which
followed the announcement of the fall of Richmond and
the surrender of Lee. "The Confederacy is dead; the Union
still lives," was the exulting cry; "The stars which have
been obscured on the old flag are bursting forth again in
all their old radiance and glory." It was ten o'clock at night
when the news was received; the next moment it was
spreading like wildfire. The bells began to ring; Grace
Church chimes struck up "Yankee Doodle"; the Marine

112 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Artillery fired a salute. All the city came running into the
market place. The crowd surged up to the Journal office.
General Burnside was already there, and Senator Anthony,
Mr. Updike, and Mr. Angell. Speeches and wild cheers!
Providence was fairly beside itself with joy. "We never saw
anything like it before," said the Journal; "It was good
natured delirium ; it was joyous frenzy. Men hardly knew
what to do to manifest their delight. Think of grave, gray-
headed, elderly citizens walking solemnly along the streets,
pulling at doorbells with a nervous twitch, as if to say,
'Why don't you get up and rejoice:' The moment anyone
shouted, everybody within hearing responded. If one struck
up a song, everybody sang. If one started 'John Brown,' all
were ready to declare that 'his soul's marching on.' If a
solemn hymn of praise to God was begun, instantly, with
heads reverently uncovered, all joined. . . . Some one pro-
poses a procession, and instantly Westminster Street is
half filled with the throng, singing and shouting, marching,
they knew not where, they cared not where. If Governor
Dyer had led the way to Pawtucket or Woonsocket, they
were then in the mood to follow. The moment a fire was
kindled, everybody set about rolling boxes and barrels from
every alley and lane within a quarter of a mile of the
bridge. Some one shouts that the recruiting booths are no
longer needed, and they straightway are turned over into
the fire to 'recruit' the flames while police look on with
amazement, and the steam fire-engines whistle their ap-
plause. . . . Such over-flowing, irrepressible, unpremedi-
tated, spontaneous humor and jollity we never saw in a
crowd before."

And then — ashes for beauty! Once more the iron-
tongued bells and the deep-throated guns summon the citi-
zens to the market place; this time in solemn, measured
tones. He is dead; the Nation's Chief is dead; and it is as if
the heart of the Nation itself had stopped beating. Horror
and grief are written on every face. Not much is said;
words seem feeble and empty; only tears can fully express

PROVIDENCE IN CIVIL WAR DAYS 113

such sorrow. Silently the flags are lowered; the streets are
hung with black; there is no house so mean and poor but
it has its bit of crepe. Rich and poor, high and low, are all
one in common bereavement. It is as if the Great Death had
come nigh them all.

On the morrow they repair to their churches for such
consolation as only religion can give. As evening comes on
they gather in front of the home of the beloved Dr. Way-
land, and there, in the midst of a pouring rain, stand silent
and attentive, while the Venerable Father speaks the heal-
ing word which brings light out of darkness and fills them
with a great peace. With trembling voices they sing, "My
country, 'tis of thee," and "Praise God from whom all
blessings flow"; then silently descend the hill, still sor-
rowing, but not as those who have no hope. It was Easter
Sunday!

On Wednesday, the 19th, Lexington Day, they joined
with their fellow-countrymen all over the broad land in
paying funeral honors to their beloved dead. All business
was suspended; the schools were closed; services were held
in all the churches. And then, with muffled drums and
draped flags, soldiers and citizens marched in solemn pro-
cession, through the principal streets of the city, and finally
into Exchange Place, where they had so often gathered;
and there they gave a last salute and furled their standards,
on the very spot where, just four years before to a day,
the boys of the First Rhode Island had unfurled the
banner committed to their keeping by the loyal women
of Providence.

114 RIIODK ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The Providence Horse Guards Flag of 1842

Brigadier General John J. Richards recently placed in
the Society's museum the historic flag of the Horse Guards
of Providence which was carried in 1 842 at the time of the
Dorr War. The flag is of bright green silk 42 inches by
32 inches and is illustrated in this issue of the Collections.
The design is painted on two pieces of silk which were
sewed back to back, thus making the flag.

One side shows a man on horseback with drawn sword, a
motive drawn from a picture of Napoleon crossing the Alps.
The figures are gold, shaded with the detail in darker gold
and scarlet. The letters which are gold, shaded with scarlet,
are about 1 j/2 inches tall. The horse and horseman face the
fly of the flag. The other side of the flag, which was also of
bright green silk, bore the inscription RHODE ISLAND
AND ITS GOVERNMENT within an orle of eight stars,
and with two additional stars filling the vacant spaces at the
ends of the middle text line. The letters of the word
RHODE ISLAND are gold, edged with scarlet, and
shaded with orange red, the other letters are gold, edged
with scarlet, and the stars gold, edged with scarlet, and
shaded with blue. The design on each side of the flag is
enclosed within a rectangular border stripe of gold, edged
with scarlet. The flag was edged with gold fringe.

HORSE GUARDS FLAG

(Reverse)

CUMBERLAND SEAL 117

Cumberland Seal

The ancient seal of the Town Council of Cumberland
appears on a number of documents in the archives of the
Rhode Island Historical Society. The device is a garb en-
signed by a dove with wings raised, between a snake pale-
wise undy contourne and a lion rampant, with around the
circumference of the seal the motto Strength Peace
Plenty Wisdom. The seal is oval being 11/16 by 3/4
inches. It appears in black wax, in red wax and in paper, on
documents dated 1786 to 1790 in the volume of Ballou
Papers.

One document contains the following sentence: "Given
at a Town Council held in and for the Town of Cumber-
land aforesaid the twenty-first day of June Anno Domini
1788. . . . Sealed with the Seal of the said Town Council,"
thus definitely identifying the seal as that of the Town
Council of Cumberland.

For other Rhode Island municipal seals, see emblems
of rhode island, published by the Rhode Island His-
torical Society in 1930.

118 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Privateers of 1798

"Abstract of all the Applications made to Jereh. Olney,
Collector of the Customs for the District of Providence, for
Commissions for private armed Vessels, which were issued
previous to this 1 8th. Day of January 1 799.

The Commissions are not Numbered; nor were the Boys
distinguished in the Applications, from the Men.

Ship Palmyra, commander Cornelius Sowle; 2nd officer
Edward Mark; 3rd officer Charles L. Hyatt; 227 tons
49/95ths; 10 three pounders, 4 eighteen pound Cannon-
ades; 20 men; owned by Jno. I. Clark and Wm. F. Megee
of Providence, R. Island; date of commission 12th Oct.
1798.

Ship Dolphin; commander John Dunwell; 2nd officer
Geo. W. Allen; no second mate; 139 tons; 2 four pound-
ers; 12 men; owned by Stephen Dexter of Providence, R.
Island; date of commission 16th Oct. 1798.

Ship Independence; commander Isaac Parker; 2nd offi-
cer Richard Hutchins; 3rd officer Wm. Armington; 150
tons; 20/95ths; 1 2 four pounders; 20 men; owned by Geo.
Lane of Charleston, Massachusetts; date of commission 12
December 1798.

Ship Rebecca; commander Benja. Tayer; 2nd officer
Richard Brown; 3rd officer John Benthall; 231 tons;
62/95ths; 2 six pounders; 18 men; owned by Stephen
Dexter of Providence, R. I., date of commission 1 5 Decem-
ber 1798.

Custom House, Providence 18th Janv. 1799, Jereh.
Olney Coll."

( From original manuscript in the archives of the Rhode
Island Historical Society, Olney Papers III, 67.)

THE PONAGANSET DUGOUT 119

The Ponaganset Dugout

A dugout recently found at the bottom of Ponaganset
Pond in western Glocester, R. I., was, through the thought-
fulness and efforts of Mr. John C. Brown of Woonsocket,
placed in the lecture hall of the Rhode Island Historical
Society where it has Tjeen viewed by a large number of
interested persons.

Five illustrations of the dugout appear on the accom-
panying pages, four showing the dugout floating on the
waters of Ponaganset Pond and one showing it in the lecture
hall of the Society. The dugout is about 13 feet 9 inches
long, 28 inches wide at one end and 22 inches at the other.
The bottom has been smoothed to make a flat surface. The
log, which'is chestnut, was hollowed out to a depth of about
14 inches, leaving the bottom about 4 inches thick at the
quarter and tapering in thickness to a couple of inches near
the ends. The sides of the dugout have been partly broken
away by time and wear.

Dr. Harry Lee Barnes, in the Rhode Island Historical
Society Collections for July 1922, page 85, recorded that a
dugout was found many years ago in Wallum Lake, about
eight miles north of Ponaganset Pond.

Accounts of the finding of the dugout were published in
the Providence Sunday Journal of July 15,1 934, and in the
Evening Bulletins of July 17 (country edition) and
July 23.

120

THK PON'ACANSKT Dl'COUT

V^ *! •

*"^^B Ilk w i?»w ■

P^ Br ':

& ^b.

THE PONAGANSET DUGOUT

121

122

THE PONAGANSET DUGOUT

NEW PUBLICATIONS 123

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest

An article on the Gazette Francoise of Newport, 1708-
81, by Allen J. Barthold appeared in the Papers of the
Bibliographical Society of America, 1934, and also was
reprinted in pamphlet form.

The New England Quarterly for June 1934 contains an
article on Roger Williams and Massachusetts by George
Albert Stead.

Genealogy of the Descendants of William Turpin
Thayer of Bellingham (Mass.), by Luis Thayer Ojeda is a
pamphlet of 43 pages recently printed at Valparaiso, Chile.

The Narragansett Planters by William Davis Miller is a
pamphlet of 69 pages, dealing with the early history of the
South County, reprinted from the Proceedings of the
American Antiquarian Society.

Notes

The following persons have been elected to membership
in the Society:

Mrs. George A. Dame
Mr. Charles A. Keller

124

KIIOD!-: ISLAND HISTORICAL SOl'ILTY

Colonial Heraldry

Ballou

On a deed* from Joseph Lapham to Abner Ballou of
Cumberland, R. I., dated December 24, 1772, Lapham
sealed with an armorial seal which bears the Ballou arms.
The arms are fretty. The Bellew arms as given by Burke
are: Sable fretty or. The crest on this seal is two flaming
hearts which differs from the crest as given by Burke.

♦Ballou Papers, p. 1 3, R. I. H. S.

INDIAN IMPLEMENTS FOUND IN RIIODK ISLAND

125

BIRD STONE, TWO AND A HALF INCHES LONG, FOUND ON
CHAMPLIN FARM, CHARLESTOVVN

PENDANT, TWO AND A HALF INCHES TALL, FOUND ON GREAT ISLAND
IN POINT JUDITH POND

This pendant shows the influence of European civilization

/// the collection of Daniel P. Sherman

126

INDIAN IMPLEMENTS FOUND IN RHODK ISLAND

JASPER SPEAR HEAD, FIVE INCHES

LONG, FOUND NEAR BARBER POND,

SOUTH KINGSTOWN

KNIFE, TEN INCHES LONG,
FOUND AT ESCOHEAG HILL, R. I.

/// the collection of Daniel P. Sherman
of Wake field, R. I.

THE WESTCONNAUG PURCHASE 127

GORGET, FOUR AND THREE-QUARTERS INCHES LONG, FOUND ON SHERMAN
FARM, POINT JUDITH POND, NARRAGANSETT

/;/ the collection of Daniel P. Sherman

The Minutes of the Westconnaug Purchase

Transcribed by Theodore G. Foster

{Concluded from -page 61)

At a Meeting of the Proprietors and Owners of the
Lands in Westquanaug Purchase held in the House of
Fleet Brown in Scituate in said Purchase on the First of
May 1 779 ... By virtue of a Warrant at the Request
of Sundry of the Proprietors of said Purchase Signed by
John Westcot Esq Dated the 1 2th Day of March 1 779
George Taylor chosen Moderator
Fleet Brown Chosen Proprietors Clerk
Voted that the Meeting be adjourned to the last Monday
of October next at 1 °Clock P M at the Dwelling House of
Fleet Brown in Scituate

Fleet Brown Proprietors Clerk

128 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Whereas Request hath been made to Me one of the
States Justices of Peace in the town of Scituate in the
county of Providence &c by Seven of the Purchasers and
Owners of the Lands of Westquanaug in Scituate request-
ing a Warrant may be issued to warn said Owners to meet
together at the House at Mr Fleet Brown's in Scituate in
Westquanaug on Saturday the First Day of May next at
one °Clock in said Day in order to choose a New Clerk to
the said Purchase in the Room of Thomas Brown Esq
Deceased

These are therefore in the Name of the State of
Rhode Island &c

To the Town Serjeant or any of the constables in the Town
of Scituate forthwith or Signt hereof to warn and give
timely Notice to the Owners of the Westquanaug Lands to
meet at the House of Mr Fleet Brown in Scituate in said
Westquanaug on Saturday the First Day of May next at
one of the Clock in the afternoon of said Day in order to
Choose a new Clerk to said Purchase in the Room of
Thomas Brown Esq Deceased: also to do any other Business
that may concern the Safety and Well Ordering said Own-
ers and Purchasers Lands and Records Hereof fail not
But make Return of this Warrant with your Doings at said
Time and Place above Given under my Hand & Seal at
Scituate the 12th Day of March A D 1779

John Westcot Jus Peace

Providence Scituate April 23d 1779 Then by

Virtue of this within Warrant I notified the within men-
tioned Proprietors or Owners of Lands in said Purchase to
meet to gether at Time and Place within mentiond as the
Law directs Wm Tyler Jun Const

The Two foregoing Papers contain a true Copy of the
Original Warrant and the Officers Return

Fleet Brown Proprietors Clerk

The End

Form of Legacy

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island

Historical Society the sum of

dollars/'
. « \

Roger Williams Press

E. A. Johnson Co.

PROVIDENCE

Rhode Island

Historical Society

Collections

Vol. XXVIII JANUARY, 1935

No. 1

JACKET WORN BY OLIVER HAZARD PERRY
VT THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE

//; the Society's Museum.

Issued Quarterly

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island

CONTENTS

PAGE

Commodore Perry's Jacket .... Cover

Roger Williams' Contribution to Modern Thought

by Frederick Bernays Wiener ... 1

Cheese Making in Old South County

by Albert E. Lownes . . . . 21

Cocumcussoc . . . . . . . 25

Notes 25

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . . 26

List of Members ...... 27

•

,,..=V':T,H' '"a:

zPrza&p

RHODE M^Wai ISLAND
HISTORICAL ^MAj|/j SOCIETY

COLLECTIONS

Vol. XXVIII JANUARY, 1935 No. 1

H. Anthony Dyer, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.

Roger Williams' Contribution to
Modern Thought

By Frederick Bernays Wiener

Read bejore the Society on February 5, 1931

On the 5th of February, in the year 163 1, the good ship
"Lyon" dropped anchor off Nantasket ; and John Winthrop
noted in his Journal that among her passengers she carried
one "Mr. Williams, a godly minister."

Today we celebrate the three-hundredth anniversary of
Roger Williams' arrival in America. But I take it it is not
simply to mark the passage of time that we are met tonight.
When we celebrate the coming to the New World of him
who founded our State, necessarily we must commemorate
the ideas and thoughts which he expounded, and the prin-
ciples with which his name is inseparably associated. These
principles, those ideas and thoughts, still live today — not
as archaic survivals, but as vital, time-tested truths. We be-
lieve in them today, and I suppose that means they are
modern. That is an adjective which lately has been much

2 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

abused. For a time, every new fad, every shiny novelty,
every ephemeral bit of superficial froth, has called itself
modern i and consequently the word has been suspect, and,
under the circumstances, doubtless rightly so. But I mean
by modern, in its best sense, that which combines the utmost
of enlightenment with the utmost respect for ancient truths
— for there are ancient truths as well as ancient prejudices
— which is to say, the utmost progressiveness compatible
with progress.

So much has been written about Roger Williams — and
doubtless much more said, which was not deemed worth
preserving — that one approaches the subject with hesita-
tion, almost with reluctance. But there may still be justifica-
tion for an attempt. For, like an ancient formula grown
meaningless with constant repetition, so has it been with the
story of Roger Williams: the obvious facts of his life have
been so often told that their reiteration almost has deadened
our sensibilities, and we are in danger, in our preoccupation
with the story, of losing and forgetting its significance. Too
often our reaction to Roger Williams is a condescending
shrug: "Great man," we murmur, "far ahead of his time,"
— quite oblivious to the fact that he is still in many aspects
ahead of our time as well, and that for a number of his ideas
we ourselves are not, for the most part, wholly prepared.

I shall not try, in attempting to outline some of those
ideas, to "reinterpret" Roger Williams. There is something
false and specious about that term, and generally it is synon-
ymous with "misinterpret." Just as a biography inevitably
shades into an autobiography, so a history usually shows
more than traces of the historian ; and it is matter of common
knowledge that historical writing has often been more actu-
ated by a desire to prove a thesis already formulated, than
by the scientific urge to discover "Wie es elgentlich gewesen
war." I shall hope, therefore, to escape the charge of pre-
senting the subject to fit my own preconceived notions ; and
equally, I hope to avoid that untruthful gloss which, so it
seems, all too often accompanies celebrations. Certainly

ROGER WILLIAMS CONTRIBUTION

it is not necessary to have to warn this Society of the dangers
of the "filio-pietistic" approach to the past, or to remind
you, as Charles Francis Adams had to remind his colleagues
in Massachusetts, that historical societies are after all scien-
tific bodies. It may be that the ancestor worship to the north
and east of us is one of those bits of Chinese culture that the
Canton merchants brought back to Salem ; I do not know.
But I have observed that it is easier to speak of the founders
of Rhode Island without the gloss of reverent and euphe-
mistic apology than it is to treat of those of Massachusetts,
and I conclude, and doubtless you will not quarrel with the
conclusion, that the former were a more attractive set of
people.

I shall not undertake to tell you of Roger Williams' life.
But I do wish to linger for a moment on what for us is per-
haps the most significant event, and the most dramatic, of
all his significant and dramatic life: I mean his banishment
from Massachusetts.

Williams' banishment — or enlargement, as it is more
usually referred to in a neighboring Commonwealth — came
as the climax of a storm that had been brewing for some
time. No sooner had Williams returned to Salem from
Plymouth in the fall of 1633 than he began that almost
constant dispute with the theocracy which did not end until
he found himself wandering in the snow, cast out into the
wilderness. I shall not treat in any detail of his minor dis-
putes— his discussion of whether women should go veiled,
his arguments that the English churches were un-Christian,
his contention that the meetings of ministers would en-
gender a "presbytery or superintendency to the prejudice
of the church's liberty." The best that can be said of some of
these manifestations of an admittedly contentious tempera-
ment is that they are incidents of Williams' "Sturm- und
Drang" period. Not much more can be said for his insistence
(which stirred John Endecott to action) that the red cross of
St. George must be cut out of the flag. It is with Williams'

4 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

remaining beliefs, which more directly caused his exile, that
we have our concern; and these stand on other ground.

Roger Williams proclaimed that the Massachusetts
Charter was invalid as a grant of title, in that it failed to
recognize the rights of the Indians; and he announced cer-
tain of its recitals, declaring King James to be the first
Christian prince to have discovered this country, to be
solemn public lies. These declarations, in the face of news
that a governor-general might be appointed, wrought con-
sternation among the magistrates. When they then at-
tempted to secure the loyalty of the people through an Oath
of fidelity, they were met by Williams' contention that the
oath was an act of prayer, and that it should not be tendered
an unregenerate man. Accordingly, in order to punish the
Salem church for the conduct of its minister, the magistrates
refused to set off land to it; Williams appealed to the other
churches, and roundly denounced the authorities. And,
furthermore, he had attacked the very foundations of the
theocracy; he had declared, in words that Winthrop has
preserved for us, "That the magistrate ought not to punish
the breach of the first table, otherwise than in such cases as
did disturb the civil peace." (The first table of Decalogue,
of course, consists of the first four Commandments which
define the duties of man to God; the second table deals with
duties between man and man. )

There was little more for the General Court to do. It
appointed disputants to argue with Williams, knowing full
well that these could not possibly hope to convince him.
The solemn farce dragged on a while; the only issue, in this
as in all other state trials, everywhere and in all ages, was,
"Is this the kind of man that we want to get rid of?" And
as that question had already been answered, the judgment
of banishment was passed, "all the ministers, save one, ap-
proving the sentence."

Was the banishment illegal: Or was it justified by that
clause of the charter which gave the Massachusetts Bay
power "to expulse all such person and persons as should at

ROGER WILLIAMS CONTRIBUTION D

any time attempt or enterprise detriment or annoyance to
their plantation or its inhabitants"? For myself, I incline to
think that it was thus justified, that the action taken was per-
fectly proper from a legal standpoint. Whether it was a
wise thing to do is quite another question, as I shall hope
presently to show; but it is worth noting that a great many
of the tyrannies of this world have proceeded under color of
law. It is now abundantly clear, for instance, that Parlia-
ment was well within its powers in taxing the Colonies; and
lest that remark should unduly alarm you, I would recall
to your attention that almost all of the colonial lawyers
were Tories. Their legal learning told them Parliament was
right, and they had not the wit to realize how wrong it was
none the less.

But back to Roger Williams. The other, and perhaps
most burning question connected with his banishment, is
whether the cause of his expulsion was political or religious.
On this point controversy has ranged long and fiercely. The
loyal Rhode Islander would stoutly maintain that the causes
were purely religious; the son of Massachusetts would as
vehemently assert that the operative reasons were entirely
political. It seems to me that neither is wrong, and that each
is partially right. But in truth, it is impossible thus to dissect
the matter, for in a theocracy the religious and political are
inseparably and indistinguishably blended. That is of the
essence of theocracy. Political, religious — those are simply
two aspects of the same thing, and to insist on one to the total
exclusion of the other is not of much assistance either in
posing or in solving the problem.

It is interesting in passing to observe that a contemporary
called the Massachusetts practice of punishing religious
opinions "as breaches of the civill peace and disturbances
to the Commonwealth," "a pretty fine distinction to deceive
themselves with." Those were the words, not of a follower
of Roger Williams, but of the Rev. Thomas Edwards, an
adversary, who in his time attacked Williams under the
resounding title, "Casting down of the last and strongest

6 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

hold of Satan; or, A treatise against toleration and pre-
tended liberty of conscience."

I think it may be said with perfect truth that Williams
was expelled for spreading ideas that were unpopular with
the rulers of the colony, and for uttering those ideas pub-
licly. The strongest evidence in support of this statement is
the record of the General Court itself, which surely would
not understate Williams' offenses:

"Whereas [ it recites] Mr Roger Williams, one of the elders
of the church of Salem, hath broached & dyvulged divers newe
dangerous opinions, against the aucthoritie of magistrates, as also
writ Ires of defamacon, both of the magistrates & churches here,
& that before any conviccon & yet mainetaineth the same with-
out retraccon, it is therefore ordered that the said Mr Williams
shall depte out of this juristiccon within sixe weekes nexte
ensueing * * *"

Now, what were these "newe and dangerous opinions"?
It is there that we must seek the cause of his banishment,
and it seems to me that the evidence supports the classical
Rhode Island view, that Williams was expelled for his
advocacy of Soul Liberty, for his assertion that the magis-
trate should not punish for matters of conscience. Of late
years this view has been questioned, and modern writers
have all but demolished it. But let us see.

Let us begin with the record. That recites that Williams
spoke "against the aucthoritie of magistrates." This is en-
tirely consistent with the notion that he would have limited
"the aucthoritie of magistrates" to temporal matters; but
obviously it is ambiguous. Let us then go beyond the record,
and examine unofficial testimony.

Winthrop in his Journal noted down the "divers danger-
ous opinions" for which Williams was under question, and
first among them he put that respecting liberty of con-
science, in words which I have already quoted. That would
seem to be a strong indication of the importance Winthrop
attached to the matter.

Then there is John Cotton, a power in the theocracy, who
also catalogued Williams' opinions. One of those was, in

ROGER WILLIAMS CONTRIBUTION /

Cotton's words, "that Civill Magistrates power extends
only to the Bodies, and Goods and outward state of man
&c"; and Williams himself agreed that Cotton's summary
was accurate.

We have then four sources: the record, Winthrop, Cot-
ton, and Williams (concurring with Cotton). The last three
are all agreed as to Liberty of Conscience being a cause of
the banishment, and the record does not dispute them. It
seems to me that the cumulative effect is very weighty, and
while this analysis can hardly be the last word in so con-
tested a matter, I find it more convincing than the usual
inquiry which seeks to divide the problem into political or
religious.

And after all, though Williams' other arguments were
annoying, and might cause the Bay trouble at home, his plea
for Liberty of Conscience shook at the very foundation of
theocracy. The Massachusetts leaders saw that clearly, and
hence they banished him — not so much, perhaps, by way of
punishment, but more to protect their anomalous institu-
tion. They knew their church-state could not weather the
storm of Roger Williams' ideas, and so against those they
never relaxed their strict quarantine.

I shall not now essay to trace the origins of the idea or
religious liberty, or to seek the faint beginnings of the
thought that church and state were better separated. Well
before Williams various individuals had stumbled upon the
idea, had published it in fugitive pamphlets, or, perhaps,
disseminated it within small circles. But Roger Williams,
though not the first to discover the principles of religious
liberty, was the first to proclaim them in all their plenitude,
and to build upon them a political state. Today we regard
religious liberty and separation of church and state as axio-
matic— which is to say modern — and we find it difficult to
conceive of living under any other system. It is such a sen-
sible solution, and such a simple one. Even so sharp a critic as
Professor Harold Laski — who would be called modern

8 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

under any definition — believes it to be the only manageable
way.

"I cannot avoid the conclusion [he writes in 'Liberty in the
Modern State'] that in this historic realm only the American
principle of complete separation and non-interference can
produce freedom. Unless state and church pursue an independ-
ent path, liberty is sacrificed; for either fusion or partnership
will, in fact, involve a conflict for supremacy."

And this "American principle," I need not remind you,
was the principle formulated by Roger Williams in 1644,
in his work, "The Bloudy Tenent of Persecution for the
Cause of Conscience." Here are his own words:

"All Civill States with their Officers of Justice in their re-
spective constitutions and administrations are proved essentially
Civill, and therefore not fudges, Governours or Defendeurs of
the Spirituall or Christian state or Worship. * * * It is the will
and command of God, that (since the coming of his Sonne the
Lord Jesus) a permission of the most Paganish, Jewish, Turkish,
or Antichristian consciences and worships, bee granted to all
men in all Nations and Countries: and they are onely to bee
fought against with that Sword which is only (in soule matters
able to conquer, to wit, the Sword of Gods Spirit, the Word of
God. * * * God requireth not an uniformity of Religion to be
inacted and inforced in any civill state; Which inforccd uni-
formity (sooner or later) is the greatest occasion of civill Warre,
ravishing of consciences, persecuting of Christ Jesus in his serv-
ants, and of the hypocrisie and destruction of millions of souls.
* * * An inforced uniformity of Religion throughout a
Nation or civill state, confounds the Civill and Religious, denies
the principles of Christianity and civility, and Jesus Christ is
come in the Flesh. * * * True civility and Christianity may
both flourish in a state or Kingdom, notwithstanding the per-
mission of divers and contrary consciences, either of Jews or
Gentiles."

But Williams understood fully that authority was nec-
essary in civil things. You will remember, even when he first
announced that the jurisdiction of the state should not ex-
tend to religious matters, that he made the important quali-
fication:"* * * otherwise than in such cases as did disturb
the civil peace." It is a matter for admiring amazement, for
me at any rate, that Roger Williams should have seen so

ROGER WILLIAMS CONTRIBUTION 9

clearly, at the very start, the limitations of the new, aston-
ishing idea which he proclaimed. I marvel at the wisdom of
the man, that he should, long before the notion could pos-
sibly be tried out, foresee its probable and proper extent.
That he should later discover it, is, of course, not half so
remarkable, although his phrasing of the problem has be-
come classical. Let me read you his "Parable of the Ship of
State":

"There goes many a snip to sea, with many hundred souls in
one ship, whose weal and woe is common, and is a true picture
of a commonwealth, or a human combination or society. It hath
fallen out sometimes, that both papists and protestants, Jews and
Turks, may be embarked in one ship; upon which proposal I
affirm, that all the liberty of conscience, that ever I pleaded for,
turns upon these two hinges — that none of the papists, protes-
tants, Jews, or Turks, be forced to come to the ship's prayers
and worship, nor compelled from their own particular prayers
or worship, if they practice any. I further add, that I never
denied, that notwithstanding this liberty, the commander of
this ship ought to command the ship's course, yea, and also
command that justice, peace and sobriety be kept and prac-
ticed, both among the seamen and all the passengers. If any of
the seamen refuse to perform their services, or passengers to pay
their freight; if any refuse to help, in person or purse, toward
the common charges of defence; if any refuse to obey the
common laws and orders of the ship, concerning their common
peace and preservation ; if any shall mutiny and rise up against
their commanders and officers; if any should preach or write
that there ought to be no commanders or officers, nor correc-
tions nor punishments, no laws nor orders, I never denied, but
in such cases, whatever is pretended, the commander or com-
manders may judge, resist, compel and punish such transgres-
sors, according to their deserts and merits."

Another passage is equally well known:

"The Church or company of worshippers (whether true or
false) is like unto a Body of Colledge of Physitians in a Citie;
like unto a Corporation, Society, or company of East-Indie or
Turkie Merchands, or any other Societie or Company in Lon-
don: which Companies may hold their Courts, keep their
Records, hold disputations; and in matters concerning their
societie, may dissent, divide, break into Schismes and Factions,

10 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

sue and implead each other at the Laws, yea wholly break up
and dissolve into pieces and nothing, and yet the peace of the
Citie not be in the least measure impaired or disturbed; because
the essence or being of the Citie, and so the well-being and
peace thereof is essentially distinct from those particular
Societies; the Citie-Courts, Citie-Lawes, Citie-punishments
distinct from theirs. The Citie was before them, and stands
absolute and intire, when such a Corporation or Society is taken
down."

The passages already quoted deal with the separation of
state and church in practice. In theory, maintained Wil-
liams, the two were also separate, and for the good reason
that their aims were different. The magistrate tended the
bodies of men ; the minister to their souls. And hence a state
church, or a church-state, was a confusion.

"For as it would be confusion for the church to censure such
[civil] matters, and so such persons as belong to the church:
So it is confusion for the state to punish spirituall offenders,
for they are not within the sphear of a civil jurisdiction. The
body or Commonweal is meerly civil, the Magistrate or head
is a civil head, and each member is a civil member: and so far
forth as any of this civil body are spiritual, or act spiritually,
they and their actions fall under a spiritual cognizance and
judicature."

I shall not elaborate further on the theme j but I only
want to mention again that these lines were written nearly
three centuries ago, when loyalty to state presupposed
loyalty to church, and when it was implicitly believed by
almost every one that civil government was impossible un-
less there be religious uniformity. The Thirty Years War
was still raging when the Bloudy Tenent appeared. Its
ideas at the time were visionary, fantastic, incendiary: the
English Parliament ordered the book burned. But, here in
Rhode Island, in Providence, on Aquidneck, and later at
Warwick, Soul Liberty was tried. It worked — and after all,
the only test of any idea is the pragmatic one. As Mr. Justice
Holmes remarked upon a memorable occasion, "The best
test of truth is the power of the thought to get itself ac-
cepted in the competition of the market."

roger Williams' contribution 11

In Rhode Island, the first instance of religious liberty in
action is to be found in Providence Compact, by which the
inhabitants bound themselves "Only in civill things." And,
on Aquidneck, in 1641, it was ordered "that none be
accounted a delinquent for Doctrine." The first, or Provi-
dence Plantations, charter, could say nothing about con-
science, as the Parliament that granted it was hostile to
Toleration, but the first laws enacted under that charter, the
Code of 1 647, left no doubts in the matter. The main body
of laws concludes with words whose simple impressiveness
even today cannot fail to awe.

"These are the Lawes that concern all men, and these are the
Penalties for the transgression thereof, which by common con-
sent are Ratified and Established throwout this whole Colonic:
And otherwise than that what is forbidden, all men may walk
as their conscience perswade them, every man in the name of
his God."

Here, expressed in the quiet poetry of seventeenth cen-
tury prose, was the "Rhode Island Idea," which before long
was confirmed in the provisions of the charter of 1663. In
that instrument it was expressly declared, in words that
might have been, and perhaps were, written by Roger Wil-
liams himself,

"that no person within the said Colony * * * shall be in any
wise molested, punished, disquieted, or called in question for
any differences in opinion in matters of religion, that do not
actually disturbe the civil peace, but that all and every person
and persons may * * * freely and fully have and enjoy his
and their own judgments and consciences, in matters of reli-
gious concernments, * * * they behaving themselves peace-
ably and quietly, and not using this liberty to licentiousness and
profaneness nor to the civil injury or outward disturbance of
others * * * "

And that charter contained also those glorious, sonorous
words which have been carried into our Constitution and
now are graven over the portico of our State House, there to
look down upon and counsel the generations yet to come:

"To hold forth a lively experiment, that a most flourishing

12 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

civil state may stand and best be maintained with full liberty in
religious concernments."

And now we are ready to consider Roger Williams' polit-
ical views. These have been too long ignored, partly because
a certain school of history saw in every mention of Williams'
political opinions the sly and subtle machinations of the
Massachusetts j and partly also, no doubt, because Roger
Williams by and large is heavy reading, and the thought of
digging through "The Bloudy Tenent", to name no others,
was not encouraging. But of late years we have had testi-
mony, from unbiased and wholly disinterested sources, con-
cerning the political wisdom of Roger Williams and his
place among political thinkers. One Dr. Jellinek successful-
ly maintained the thesis that it was Roger Williams, not
Voltaire or the other eighteenth century philosophers, who
was the author of the Rights of Man, and hence the spiritual
father of the French Revolution. A Dr. Freund, but a few
years since, asserted most convincingly that Williams was
the foremost exponent of liberty of conscience and the rights
of man in the English Revolution. Even more recently, Dr.
James E. Ernst published his comprehensive work on Wil-
liams' political thought ; and j ust the other day, in the latest
number of the Rhode Island Historical Collections, Dr.
Ernst has traced the tremendous influence of Williams'
"Bloudy Tenent" on the pamphleteers of the English
Revolution, and hence on that great political movement
itself.

I suppose that the keystone of Roger Williams' political
arch was the idea that the state exists for man, and not man
for the state. As a corollary to this fundamental thought,
Williams maintained that the people were sovereign. They
were the state. In Williams' own words:

"Whereas they say, that the Civill Power may erect and
establish what forme of civill Government may seem in
Wisdome most meet, I acknowledge the Proposition to be most
true. * * * But from this Grant I infer, (as before hath been
touched) that the Sovereign, original, and foundation of Civill
power lies in the People, (whom thev must needs mean bv the

ROGER WILLIAMS' CONTRIBUTION 13

civill power distinct from the Government set up.) And if so,
that a People may erect and establish what forme of Govern-
ment seemes to them most meete for their civill condition: It
is evident that such Governments as are by them erected and
established, have no more power, nor for no longer time, then
the civill power or people consenting and agreeing shall betrust
them with. This is cleere not only in Reason, but in the experi-
ence of all commonweales, where the people are not deprived
of their naturall freedom by the power of the tyrants."

These were not idle speculations ; they were ideas that
had already been put into practice. The General Court for
Portsmouth and Newport in 1641 declared its institutions
"a Democracie or Popular Government" ; and even earlier,
in 1637, the Providence settlers had signed a solemn com-
pact "to subject ourselves, in active or passive obedience, to
all such orders or agreements as shall be made for public
good of the body, in an orderly way, by the major assent of
the present-Inhabitants * * * and others whome they shall
admitt unto them."

It is one of the glories of Roger Williams' political ideas
that they were the product, not of a cloistered scholar mus-
ing in his cell, but of an intensely active man, who carried
out his thoughts in practice, and successfully subjected them
to the acid test of actual experience.

Williams was careful always to point out that the powers
of the State extended only to civil things, but those proper
functions he did not limit in any narrow doctrinaire fashion.
His views approached closely some which have been formu-
lated only in the last decade or so, and which conceive the
state to be nothing more than a species of public service cor-
poration, simply more magnificent and larger in scope than
most. An unromantic thought, if you will, but one which
flows naturally and easily from Roger Williams' primary
conception that the state is made for man. This idea, as Dr.
Ernst points out,

"is resident in such terms as: * * * common safety, common
welfare, * * * public good, preservation of peace and order,
common peace and subsistence, common peace and liberty,
* * * and minister and servant. In his letter to Providence,

14 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

in 1651, [ Roger Williams] emphasizes the public service in
settlement of controversies, care of orphans, widows, the poor
and the insane; in a letter, in 1667, he encourages the building
of roads and bridges. At other times, he requests the regulation
of trade, commerce, industry, the liquor traffic with the Indians
and the citizens, and the protection of cattle from wild beasts."

At a time when some people are urging, for various ends,
that the functions of government be limited, arguing in
reliance on supposed inherent principles which turn out to
be imaginary over-simplifications of half-understood doc-
trine, it is refreshing to turn to Roger Williams, to note his
solutions, and to observe that his theories were sufficiently
broad to allow the state to serve all public needs. Doubtless
Williams would heartily concur with the penetrating ob-
servations of a recent writer: "Government is itself an art,
one of the subtlest of the arts. It is neither business, nor
technology, nor applied science. It is the art of making men
live together in peace and with reasonable happiness."

Some other ideas of Roger Williams I have but time to
hint at: his views on the distribution of local and central
authority, on the necessity of fluidity in government, on the
relation of states to each other, on liberty. It is interesting to
note in passing that he anticipated James Otis by nearly a
century. In 1680 he wrote to the citizens of Providence:
"There is no man that hath a vote in town or colony, but
he hath a hand in making the rates by himself or his depu-
ties." It is even more interesting to observe that in this same
letter, written when he could look upon the world with the
placid wisdom of age, Williams stressed the necessity of
government not as an evil to be tolerated, but as an institu-
tion affirmatively good, because it emanated from the
people.

"Government and order in families, towns, etc., is the ordi-
nance of the Most High, Rom. 13, for the peace and good of
mankind. * * * Mankind cannot keep together without some
government. * * * That there is no man in the world, except
robbers, pirates and rebels but doth submit to government. Even
robbers, pirates and rebels themselves cannot hold together, but
by some law among themselves and government. One of these

ROGER WILLIAMS' CONTRIBUTION 15

two great laws of the world must prevail, either that of judges
and justices of peace in courts of peace, or law of arms, the
sword and blood. * * * Till matters come to a settled govern-
ment, no man is ordinarily sure of his house, goods, lands, cattle,
wife, children, life."

And with a pardonable show of pride he added, "our
Charter excels all in New England as to the Souls of men."

Rhode Island enjoyed, he asserted, "such Peace, such
Security, such Liberties of Soule and Body as were never
enjoyed by any English men, nor any in the World I have
heard of."

And yet his very successes were charged against him as
faults j in 1650 he wrote, "I have been charged with folly
for that freedom and libertie which I have always stood
forj I say liberty and equalitie both in land and govern-
ment." Furthermore, Roger Williams has been charged
with sundry inconsistencies. You remember the case of
Joshua Verin, who kept his wife from attending Williams'
religious services. This was a breach of the rule guarantee-
ing liberty of conscience, and Verin was accordingly dis-
franchised. But, maintained the miller, "when he consented
to that order he never intended it should extend to the
breach of any ordinance of God, such as the subjection of
wives to their husbands"; at any rate, Verin asserted he had
acted "out of conscience." Hence it was said that Williams
was inconsistent. Further, Roger Williams had charged
William Harris with treason for writing against the Rhode
Island charter j yet Williams himself had written against
the Massachusetts charter. And finally, despite his espousals
of religious liberty, he had inveighed against the Quakers,
and had threatened them with imprisonment for their use
of "thee" and "thou" and for their refusal to uncover.

As to the Harris incident, it need only be remarked that
there are charters of all sorts, and that the one granted
Rhode Island had not the faults which Williams earlier
exposed in Massachusetts. It did not disregard the Indians'
rights. The other two events, it seems to me, do not invali-
date the principle at all, or smack of inconsistency. (The

16 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

virtue of consistency, I take it, is the proof it affords that a
man believes in the worth of an idea, and does not twist it
to serve his changing ends. ) They illustrate simply a diffi-
culty inherent in human affairs, the difficulty of drawing a
line. "Otherwise than in such cases as did disturb the civil
pease," — and obviously there can be different opinions
about what cases are disturbing. That Williams drew the
line differently than we should perhaps draw it today, I
can attribute only to the fact that he, like all of us, was only
human. And, to quote an acute critic, "If we focus attention
on the human origin of all government, we shall have a
more scientific temper for dealing with its frailties." Much
the same is the biblical thought: "We have this treasure in
earthen vessels."

So I do not believe that the incident of the Quakers is the
blot on Williams' name that some have contended it was.
Quite to the contrary, I think there is something remarkable
and admirable in Roger Williams' conduct: with one breath
he bids the Quakers welcome, sheltering them from the
persecution and death that was their lot elsewhere ; with the
next breath he argues against their doctrines until he is
hoarse. It seems to me that he personifies Voltaire's words
in the following century: "I wholly disagree with what you
say, and will defend to the death your right to say it! "

Is it any wonder that such a man was not understood by
his time, that he represented something irrational, that he
was called an incendiary, one with windmills in his head?
And after all, some of his ideas have not even yet met with
more than partial approval. Here is a passage from the
Bloudy Tenent:

"It is a truth, the mischief of a hlinde Pharises blinde
guidance is greater then if he acted Treasons, Murders, &c. and
the losse of one soule by his seduction is a greater mischief then
if he blew up Parliaments, and cuts the throats of Kings or
Kmperours, so pretious is that invaluable Jewell of a Soul, above
all the present lives and bodies of all the men in the world!"

These words were written while Charles the First still had

ROGER WILLIAMS' CONTRIBUTION 17

his head. I beg you compare them with a sentence published
within the year, from Harold Laski's book:

"Liberty [writes Mr. Laski] cannot help being a courage to
resist the demands of power at some point that is decisive ; and,
because of this, liberty, also, is an inescapable doctrine of con-
tingent anarchy."

The parallelism is striking, and not less striking is the fact
that the latter writer, also, was in effect "enlarged" out of
Massachusetts.

After all, the case of Roger Williams is but another illus-
tration of the difficulty of adjusting the fundamental rela-
tion between man and society, between the individual and
the group. On the one hand there is the feeling of the herd,
instinctive and hence deep-rooted, that will not tolerate
deviations from the herd norm. At the other extreme is the
desire of the individual to assert himself, to live his own
life and to think his own thoughts. Between these two con-
ceptions of life there is a chasm that cannot be bridged; the
difference is irreconcilable. It is the struggle between heart
and head; it is the conflict between conformity and non-
conformity, between concurrence and dissent. And so long
as in each human being reason is blended with emotion,
who shall say which is right?

President Faunce, in the ripeness of his wisdom, would
often admonish us to "conform in little things." But what
of large things, what of ideas that move the thinkers? Each
must decide that for himself. It is not enough, I fear, to
suggest that they be not uttered, to echo the remark of the
medieval judge, that "the devil himself knoweth not the
thought of man," or to urge, as did Walter Pater, that a
civilized man carries his ideas lightly. For when we come to
grips with this insoluble problem of conformity or dissent,
we deal with men who do not toy with ideas, who cannot
equivocate and who will not be silenced, who like Martin
Luther before the Diet cry out, "Ich kann nlcht anders" —
I can not do otherwise — and who, like Roger Williams, will
cheerfully grapple with privation and bravely look into the

18 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

face of death. And yet — and yet — but few dissenters have
the stature of a Luther or a Williams.

Judge Learned Hand has put the matter very well:

"And so, poor wights, we cling to what custom gives, and
insist upon the verity of what we tremble to uncover and forbid
others to dispute. The heretic who dares to lay impious hand
upon our arks has always been our enemy, and perhaps will be
till the last syllable of recorded time. Too often reckless, vain,
and shallow, strutting in the glare of the fires he kindles; care-
less, so he throw large the shadow of his puny self. Yet not always;
his kind are also man's best friends, without whom life would
be as dead as a pressed fiower, yellow and crushed and scentless.
Such, when they are true to the faith, put their trust in life,
in man's assertion of his right to be, in that old Adam who, from
the first flicker of sentience and in the midst of the appalling
tragedy of existence, has striven to endure, and in spite of all
still goes on. Man's upward course from the first amoeba which
felt a conscious thrill, is no more than the effort to affirm the
meanings of his own strange self, to divine his significance and
to make it manifest in the little hour vouchsafed him."

But it does not follow that the noisy, shallow critics must
then be silenced. For who are we to judge the worth of what
is said, and by what token are we to differentiate the Norton
of Merry Mount from the Roger Williams r Far better to
let them be, to let time judge; the first can never harm us,
and the other, who should not be forced to seek elsewhere,
will always redound to our credit. Even Massachusetts later
had need of Williams, within his lifetime, and on numerous
occasions he served and even saved the state that had ex-
pelled him.

The noisy reveler, the carping and dyspeptic critic, these
but condemn themselves; well has it been said that "the
fitting remedy for evil counsels is good ones." In the words
of Thomas Jefferson, "We have nothing to fear from the
demoralizing reasonings of some, if others are left free to
demonstrate their errors and especially when the law stands
ready to punish the first criminal act produced by false
reasonings."

ROGER WILLIAMS' CONTRIBUTION 19

When the United Colonies in 1656 asked the Colony of
the Providence Plantations to cease admitting Quakers,
President Benedict Arnold and the magistrates replied,
"that in those places where these people aforesaid in this
Colony, are most of all suffered to declare themselves
freely, and are only opposed by arguments in discourse,
there they least of all desire to come, and we are informed
that they begin to loathe this place, for that they are not
opposed by the civil authority: and we surely find that they
delight to be persecuted by civil powers, and when they are
so they are like to gain more adherents by the conceit of
their patient sufferings."

As persecution glorifies the oppressed, whether these be
good or bad, so does it humble the persecutor. Who now
remembers the Parliamentarians who burned The Bloudy
Tenentt Who now can name the man who governed Massa-
chusetts when that Colony banished Roger Williams? (It
was not Winthrop. ) His name is as the dust, but that of
Williams lives. And yet the sentence of banishment still
stands unrepealed, touched neither by the judgment of the
world, nor by that decent gratitude which should have been
the modest recompense for Williams' later services.

"The men whom I should be tempted to commemorate,"
says Mr. Justice Holmes, "would be the originators of
transforming thought." Tonight, as we celebrate Roger
Williams, I trust it will not seem unduly didactic if we
attempt to extract a lesson from his example. I suggest that
it is the futility of suppressing those who "hath broached &
dyvulged dyvers newe and dangerous opinions" ; and
though perhaps that is not a popular notion, it will doubt-
less have more adherents in the next few years. For I ven-
ture to predict that we are at the threshold of a more tol-
erant decade, that we will respect more than heretofore the
right of others to differ from us, and that we may perhaps
even practice the precept of the great man whom tonight
we praise. It is true, conditions are different. Where once

20 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

religious heresies were abhorred, it is now economic aberra-
tions. But the principle is still the same; and indeed, the
need of it is greater. When Roger Williams was hunted by
Archbishop Laud, he could come to America; when the
theocracy expelled him, he wandered to Seekonk; when
Governor Winslow bade him leave, he came to Providence.
But where can the soul go that is now troubled for con-
science? There are no more vacant lands; there is nowhere
now to go.

It is not love of the past alone that suggests we maintain
the tradition of Roger Williams, nor is it solely antiquarian-
ism that applauds the thoughts and doctrines of one so
essentially modern, who saw the need for government and
order, and at the same time recognized the necessity for
self-expression. Here in the State of Rhode Island and
Providence Plantations we can do much worse than follow
in the footsteps of our Founder; and if we do follow him,
and so long as we do, we shall always, I trust, "hold forth a
lively experiment."

CHEESE MAKING 21

Cheese Making in Old South County
By Albert E. Lownes

Two hundred 'years ago South County was an area of
great plantations. The soil, for the most part, was too rocky
or too sandy for efficient cultivation, but the raising of live
stock of all kinds flourished.

The growing of neat cattle naturally produced a surplus
of milk, particularly during the summer months, and since
the perishable nature of the product made shipment impos-
sible under the conditions that then prevailed, it was not
long before the settlers began to convert it into cheese. By
the middle of the eighteenth century unbelievable quan-
tities were made and exported, not only to the neighboring
colonies, but to all parts of British America and to Europe,
as well.

James McSparran, the beloved rector of St. Paul's in
Narragansett, writes in his America Dissected: "The prod-
uce of this colony ( Rhode Island) is principally butter and
cheese, fat cattle, wool, and fine horses, that are exported to
all parts of the English America."

Douglass, in 1760, says: "Rhode Island Colony in gen-
eral, is a country pasture, not for grain. ... It is noted for
dairies, whence the best cheese made in any part of New
England, is called (abroad) Rhode Island cheese. The
most considerable farms are in the Narragansett country.
Their highest dairy of one farm . . . milks about one hun-
dred and ten cows, cuts two hundred loads of hay, makes
about thirteen thousand pounds of cheese, besides butter,
and sells off considerable in calves and fatted bullocks. A
farmer from seventy-three milch cows in five months made
ten thousand pounds of cheese."

These may well have been the greatest producers, but
others were not far behind. Updike, on the authority of
Isaac Peace Hazard, states that "N. Hazard kept 42 cows

22 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

and made 9,200 pounds of cheese" and that "Joseph N.
Austin . . . kept 36 cows and made 8,000 pounds of cheese."
Rowland Robinson is also cited as having "an immense
dairy" and we are told that "one cow would average two
pounds of cheese a day."

In addition to these great dairymen, there were many
others who made cheese on a large, though more modest,
scale. "College Tom" Hazard, whose records have been so
carefully preserved for us by Miss Caroline Hazard, regu-
larly sold over two thousand pounds of cheese a year and in
some years almost doubled that figure.

Naturally, an industry of this magnitude had its effect on
the general trade of the Colony, — especially since currency
seems to have been one of the least stable of the commodi-
ties. We learn from Updike that rents were paid in produce
and that "6000 pounds of cheese was equivalent to $600
annual rent for years."

Updike tells us that "the wife of Richard Smith brought
from Gloustershire to this country, the recipe for making
the celebrated Cheshire cheese, and from this recipe the
Narragansett was made in imitation of the Cheshire cheese,
and it early gained for the table and market an established
reputation for superior flavor and excellence." This must
have been the wife of the first settler in Narragansett, who
came from that county.

It seems hardly possible that cheese-making was possible
at such an early date, but by the middle of the following
century it was certainly well established and cheese con-
tinued to be a principal product of the Narragansett Coun-
try until after the Napoleonic Wars. Then butter increased
in price while cheese declined, so that it became more profi-
table to use the cream for butter. Attempts were made to
produce cheeses from skimmed milk, but they were of
inferior quality and the industry languished and died early
in the nineteenth century.

Cheese-making is a comparatively simple process. It was
apparently, in the early days at least, done principally by

CHEESE MAKING 23

the female slaves and we learn that Robert Hazard,
father of "College Tom," "had twelve negro women as
dairy women, each of whom had a girl to assist her, making
from twelve to twenty-four cheeses a day."

Directions and recipes for making cheese exist in many
books of the period. They differ greatly in minor particu-
lars but the general principle is the same.

The milk was set in pans and a little rennet was added to
it — "just enough to make the curd come," to quote an old
recipe. It was kept at blood heat until the curd was well
formed — usually about half an hour. The curd was stirred
with the hand until it was well set. It was then removed
from the whey with a strainer and placed on a draining
board. It was worked with the hands to remove as much of
the whey as possible. Sometimes this operation was per-
formed in a cheesecloth laid over a cheese-basket, which
rested in turn on a cheese-ladder, placed over a pan or tub
to catch the whey. More rarely a cheese-rack combined the
functions of basket and ladder. After as much liquid as pos-
sible was removed from the curds by hand, they were salted
and packed into a cheese-ring or hoop and placed in the
press. A wooden disk, called the foller, fitted snugly on top
of the curds to ensure even pressing. The hoop or ring had
no bottom, but a similar device, called a vat, had a per-
forated wooden bottom. Isaac Peace Hazard recalled that
his great-grandfather, Robert Hazard, had "cheese-vats
of the second size" that "held nearly one bushel."

The cheese presses were of many sizes and types, from
small table presses to great floor presses as tall as a man. All
that I have seen of undoubted Rhode Island lineage made
one cheese at a time, but at a later date multiple presses
were developed. South County Museum has four presses,
all different, and two others are in the writer's possession.
Pressure was applied, in most cases, through a combination
of pulleys and levers. A weight was attached to the end of
the lever to give a constant pressure. One press, a small
table press, is operated with wooden screws.

24 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The cheese was pressed over night with moderate pres-
sure. Then it was turned over and pressed on the other side.
It was removed from the hoop and thoroughly coated with
butter and salt and placed on a cheese-ladder on the cheese-
house shelf to ripen. This took several months and during
this period the cheese had to be turned over and buttered
daily. Most of the cheese was made during July and
August, but the turning and buttering continued until late
in the fall.

Most of the cheese made in Rhode Island was "natural
cheese," but some fancy cheeses were made by adding herbs
or herb-teas to the curds to give color and flavor. Sage was
most popular, but teas made by boiling young corn-husks or
spinach gave a fine green color.

South County Museum has all of the equipment for
making this famous cheese — the pails and pans and rings
and follers, the vats and baskets and ladders, as well as the
presses themselves. Unfortunately, good Mistress Smith's
recipe is lost, but even if it were not it is doubtful if we
could compete with the highly mechanized factories of
New York and Wisconsin.

COCUMCUSSOC 25

Cocumcussoc

The following explanation of the meaning of the Indian
word Cocumcussoc is contained in an extract from a letter
from Mr. W. B. Cabot* of Boston to Mr. J. Earl Clauson
of Wickford, which appeared in the Evening Bulletin of
October 3, 1934. Mr. Cabot wrote:

"Agreeing with you, I have never liked Trumbull's con-
necting Cocumcusset with Devil's Foot. 'A grass marsh,'
meaning seems the one to me; more exactly, two succeed-
ing marshes, possibly more than two. The form appears in
Cocumpaug, a pond in Charlestown, but applied to ponds
instead of marshes.

"As a matter of notation I think Trumbull's accepting
'cocum' for 'kikum' is unjustified as the sounds represented
don't seem to approach each other in their dialects."

Notes

Mrs. Herbert W. Rice has been elected to membership
in the Society.

*See R. I. H. S. Collections for April, 1929, for Cabot's explanation
of the meaning of other local Indian place names..

26 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest

An Article by Canon A. A. Luce entitled Berkeley's
Bermuda Project and His Benefactions to American Uni-
versities, with Unpublished Letters and Extracts from the
Egmont Papers appears in the August, 1934, issue of the
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

History and Trees of the Jenks Family by Charles N.
Jenks is a 41 page pamphlet.

An article* by Coe Hayne, entitled The Long Trail of
the Br other towns traces the descent of Hannah Garret, wife
of David Fowler, "the Mercury of the Indian School" from
Momojashuck, brother of Ninigret, thus connecting the
Narragansett-Niantics with the Brothertown Indians of
Wisconsin.

*R. I. H. S. Scrap Hook Vol. 31, p. 69.

LIST OF MEMBERS

List of Active Members of the Rhode Island
Historical Society.

December 31, 1934.

Mr. David C Adelman

Mr. Frederick W. Aldred

Mr. Edward K. Aldrich, Jr. K

Miss Lucy T. Aldrich

Hon. Richard S. Aldrich

Mr. Stuart M. Aldrich

Mr. Philip Allen

Miss Ada Almy

Mr. Walter F. Angell

Mrs. Everard Appleton

Miss Marguerite Appleton

Mr. Arthur H. Armington

Miss Maude E. Armstrong

Mrs. Edward E. Arnold

Mr. Frederick W. Arnold

Miss Mittie Arnold

Mr. James H. Arthur

Mr. Donald S. Babcock

Mr. J. Earle Bacon

Mr. Albert A. Baker

Mrs. Charles K. Baker

Mr. Harvey A. Baker

Mr. J. Willard Baker

Miss Mary H. Balch

Rev. Clarence A. Barbour, D.D.

Mrs. Sarah Minchin Barker

Miss Sarah Dyer Barnes

Miss Hattie B. Barns

Mr. Fred H. Barrows

Mr. Earl G. Batty

Mrs. Daniel Beckwith

Mrs. Herbert G. Beede

Mr. Horace G. Belcher

Mr. Horatio E. Bellows

Mr. Bruce M. Bigelow

Mr. George E. Bixby

Mr. Zenas W. Bliss '

Mrs. Edward W. Blodgett
G. Alder Blumer, M.D.
Mr. J. J. Bodell
Mrs. Theodore P. Bogert
Mr. Richard LeB. Bowen
Rev. Arthur H. Bradford
Mr. Claude R. Branch
Rabbi William G. Braude
Miss Alice Brayton
Miss Elizabeth H. Brayton
Miss Ida F. Bridgham
Mr. William E. Brigham
Mrs. William E. Brigham
Miss Eva St. C. Brightman
Mrs. Clarence A. Brouwer
Mr. Clarence Irving Brown
Mr. Cyrus P. Brown
Mr. Frank Hail Brown
Mrs. Frank Hail Brown
Miss Isabel R. Brown
Mr. John Nicholas Brown
Madelaine R. Brown, M.D.
Mr. Wilbur D. Brown
Mr. Alfred S. Brownell
Capt. Ernest H. Brownell
Mr. Harris H. Bucklin
Miss Clara BufFum
Mr. Edward J. C. Bullock
Mrs. Edward J. C. Bullock
Rev. Paul E. Burhoe
Mr. Edwin A. Burlingame
Mr. Raymond Buss
Mr. Alfred T. Butler
Miss Irene B. Butler
Mr. G. Edward Buxton
Mrs. S. H. Cabot
Mrs. Edwin A. Cady

RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Mr. John H. Cady
Mrs. Charles A. Calder
Frank T. Calcf, M.D.
Mr. Herbert C. Calef
Mrs. Walter R. Callender
Mrs. Wallace Campbell
Mr. Emilio N. Cappelli
Mr. Thomas B. Card
Mrs. George W. Carr
Mrs. Marion P. Carter
Miss Anna H. Chace
Mr. Malcolm G. Chace
Mr. Henry S. Chafee
Mrs. Everitte S. Chaffee
Prof. Robert F. Chambers
Mr. Arthur D. Champlin
Mr. George B. Champlin
Miss Anna Chapin
Charles V. Chapin, M.D.
Mrs. Charles V. Chapin
Mr. Howard M. Chapin
Mrs. Howard M. Chapin
Mr. William P. Chapin
Mr. Frederic L. Chase
Julian A. Chase, M.D.
Edmund D. Chesebro, M.D.
Mr. Albert W. Clafiin
Mrs. Edward S. Clark
Mr. Prescott O. Clarke
Mr. J. Earl Clauson
Mr. Eugene A. Clauss
Prof. Theodore Collier
Mrs. Clarkson A. Collins, Jr.
Mr. James C. Collins
Mr. Edward L. Coman
Mr. Jonathan F. Comstock
Mrs. Mabel B. Comstock
Mrs. W. A. H. Comstock
Mr. Walter J. Comstock
Mr. William P. Comstock
Mr. Charles D. Cook
Mrs. Charles D. Cook
Mr. Albert B. Coulters
Prof. Verner W. Crane
Mr. Frank H. Cranston

George H. Crooker, M.D.

Mr. Harry Parsons Cross

Frank Anthony Cummings, M.D.

Mrs. Frank Anthony Cummings

Mr. Arthur Cushing

Mrs. George A. Dame

Prof. S. Foster Damon

Murray S. Danforth, M.D.

Mrs. Murray S. Danforth

Mr. William C. Dart

Mr. Foster B. Davis

Miss Mary Elliott Davis

Mrs. R. C. Davis

Mr. Charles J. Davol

Prof. Edmund B. Delabarre

Mr. Paul C. DeWolf

Miss Alice S. Dexter

Miss Eunice W. Dexter

Mr. Henry C. Dexter

Mr. Walter Frederick Dickinson

Miss Louise Diman

Mrs. Harriet M. F. Dixon

John E. Donley, M.D.

Mr. Michael F. Dooley

Mr. Louis W. Downes

Mrs. Louis W. Downes

Mrs. George E. Downing

Mr. Robert T. Downs

Mr. David Duncan

Mr. Henry A. DuVillard

Miss Margarethe L. Dwight

Miss Anna Jones Dyer

Mr. H. Anthony Dyer

Mr. William Allan Dyer

Mr. Charles G. Easton

Mr. Frederick W. Easton

Mr. Alfred U. Eddy

Mr. Cyrus T. Eddy

Miss Isabel Eddy

Mr. William Holden Eddy

Miss Harriet C. Edmonds

Miss Edith Edwards

Mrs. Seeber Edwards

Mr. Walter Angell Edwards

Mr. James Elgar

LIST OF MEMBERS

Mr. Zenas H. Ellis

Mr. William Ely

Mr. Frank W. Emerson

Mr. Robert S. Emerson

Mr. Ralph C. Estes

Mr. William Wood Estes

Mrs. William Wood Estes

Mr. Charles Owen Ethier

Mr. Royal Bailey Farnum

Mr. Walter F. Farrell

Mr. Augustus H. Fiske

Mrs. Charles Fletcher

Mr. Elliot Flint

Mrs. Lawrence B. Fogarty

Mr. Allan Forbes

Mrs. George H. Fowler

Mr. Hovey T. Freeman

Mrs. John R. Freeman

Mr. Joseph W. Freeman

Hon. G. Frederick Frost

Mr. Frederick H." Fuller

Mr. R. Clinton Fuller

Frank T. Fulton, M.D.

Mme. Annita Gaburri

Hon. Joseph H. Gainer

Mrs. Robert Ives Gammell

Mr. William Gammell

Mr. William Gammell, Jr.

Miss Abbie P. Gardner

George W. Gardner, M.D.

Prof. Henry B. Gardner

Mrs. John T. Gardner

Mr. Preston H. Gardner

Mr. Daniel F. George

Mrs. Louis C. Gerry

Hon. Peter G. Gerry

Mrs. Peter G. Gerry

Mrs. Alice C. Gleeson

Mr. Robert H. I. Goddard

Rabbi Israel M. Goldman

Mr. George T. Gorton

Mr. Harry Hale Goss

Mrs. Richard Rathborne Graham

Mrs. A. L. Grant

Mr. Eugene S. Graves

Mrs. Eugene S. Graves

Miss Eleanor B. Green

Gov. Theodore Francis Green

Mr. Edward Aborn Greene

Mrs. Joseph Warren Greene, Jr.

Mr. Thomas C. Greene

Mr. Ralph M. Greenlaw

Mr. William B. Greenough

Mr. Russell Grinnell

Mr. E. Tudor Gross

Mrs. Harold J. Gross

Mr. R. F. Haffenreffer

Hon. J. Jerome Hahn

Mr. John W. Haley

Miss Annette Mason Ham

Mrs. Livingston Ham

Mrs. Albert G. Harkness

Mr. Gilbert A. Harrington

Mr. Benjamin P. Harris

Miss Mary A. Harris

Mr. Stephen C. Harris

Mr. Everett S. Hartwell

N. Darrell Harvey, M.D.

Mr. William A. Hathaway

Miss Caroline Hazard

Mr. Thomas G. Hazard, Jr.

Mr. Charles F. Heartman

Mrs. W. E. Heathcote

Prof. James B. Hedges

Mr. Bernon E. Helme

Mr. John Henshaw

Mr. Joseph G. Henshaw

Mr. Robert W. Herrick

Mr. G. Burton Hibbert

Mr. William A. Hill

Mr. Frank L. Hinckley

Mr. William L. Hodgman

Mrs. William H. Hoffman

Mrs. John S. Holbrook

Mr. George J. Holden

Mrs. John W. Holton

Mr. Charles A. Horton

Mr. M. A. DeWolfe Howe

Mr. Wallis E. Howe

RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Mrs. Richard G. Howland
Mrs. William Erwin Hoy
Mrs. George H. Huddy, Jr.
Mr. Sidney D. Humphrey
Mr. Horatio A. Hunt
Mr. S. Foster Hunt
Mrs. Duncan Hunter
Mr. George Hurley
Mr. Richard A. Hurley
Mr. James Hazen Hyde
Mrs. C. Oliver Iselin
Mr. Norman M. Isham
Miss Mary A. Jack
Mr. Benjamin A. Jackson
Mrs. Donald E. Jackson
Mr. Thomas A. Jenckes
Mrs. Edward L. Johnson
Mr. William C. Johnson
Dr. Lewis H. Kalloch
Mr. Francis B. Keeney
Mr. Charles A. Keller
Mrs. Ellsworth L. Kelley
Mr. Howard R. Kent
Mr. Charles H. Keyes
Mr. H. Earle Kimball
Mrs. Eugene P. King
Lucius C. Kingman, M.D.
Mr. C. Prescott Knight, Jr.
Mr. Robert L. Knight
Mrs. Robert L. Knight
Mr. Russell W. Knight
Prof. Harry L. Koopman
Mr. John Krawczuk
Mrs. Henry S. Lanpher
Mrs. Dana Lawrence
Mr. George R. Lawton
Charles H. Leonard, M.D.
Miss Grace F. Leonard
Mrs. Austin T. Levy
Mr. Dexter L. Lewis
Mr. Joseph W. Lewis
Mr. Ferdinand A. Lincoln
Mrs. Charles Warren Lippitt
Mr. Charles Warren Lippitt
Mrs. Frances Pomeroy Lippitt

Mr. Gorton T. Lippitt
Mr. Arthur B. Lisle
Mrs. Arthur B. Lisle
Mr. Alden L. Littlefield
Mrs. Alden L. Littlefield
Mr. Charles W. Littlefield
Mr. Ivory Littlefield
Rev. Augustus M. Lord, D.D.
Mr. T. Robley Louttit
Mr. W. Easton Louttit, Jr.
Mr. David B. Lovell, Jr.
Mr. Albert E. Lownes
Mr. Harold C. Lyman
Mr. Richard E. Lyman
Mr. William A. McAuslan
Mrs. William A. McAuslan
Mr. Kenneth D. MacColl
Mr. Norman A. MacColl
Mr. William B. MacColl
Mr. Arthur M. McCrillis
Miss Grace E. Macdonald
Mr. Benjamin M. MacDougall
Mr. Charles B. Mackinney
Mrs. Herbert E. Maine
Mrs. Benjamin B. Manchester
Mrs. William L. Manchester
Mr. Charles C. Marshall
Mr. Edgar W. Martin
Mrs. John F. Marvel
Mr. Harold Mason
Mr. John H. Mason
Mrs. William B. Mason
Mrs. George S. Mathews
Mr. Archibald C. Matteson
Mr. William L. Mauran
Mrs. William L. Mauran
Mrs. Frank Everitt Maxwell
Mr. Harry V. Mayo
Rev. Charles A. Meader
Mr. W. Granville Meader
■ Mrs. Charles H. Merriman
Mrs. E. Bruce Merriman
Mr. Harold T. Merriman
Mr. I. B. Merriman
Mrs. I. B. Merriman

LIST OF MEMBERS

Mrs. E. T. H. Metcalf

Mr. G. Pierce Metcalf

Mr. Houghton P. Metcalf

Mrs. I. Harris Metcalf

Hon. Jesse H. Metcalf

Mrs. Jesse H. Metcalf

Mr. Stephen O. Metcalf

Mr. William Davis Miller

Mrs. William Davis Miller

Mr. George L. Miner

Mr. G. A. Moriarty, Jr. '

Mrs. William Robert Morrison

Mrs. Bentley W. Morse

Prof. Jarvis M. Morse

Mr. Edward S. Moulton

Mrs. Edward S. Moulton

William M. Muncy, M.D.

Walter L. Munro, M.D.

Mr. Addison P. Munroe

Mrs. Addison P. Munroe

Mr. Walter M. Murdie

Mrs. James A. Nealey

Mr. George P. Newell

Mr. Louis C. Newman

Mrs. Louis C. Newman

Miss Eliza Taft Newton

Mr. Roger Hale Newton

Mr. Paul C. Nicholson

Mr. Samuel M. Nicholson

Mr. Elmer D. Nickerson

Ira Hart Noyes, M.D.

Miss Mary Olcott

Mrs. Frank F. Olney

Mr. Harald W. Ostby

Mr. G. Richmond Parsons

Mrs. G. Richmond Parsons

Miss Mary H. Parsons

Mr. Frederick S. Peck

Mrs. Frederick S. Peck

Mr. Horace M. Peck

Mr. Stephen I. Peck

Mr. William H. Peck

Mr. William T. Peck

Mrs. F. H. Peckham

Katherine F. Peckham, M.D.

Mr. Augustus R. Peirce

Mr. Clarence E. Peirce

Mr. John P. B. Peirce

Mr. Charles M. Perry

Mr. Howard B. Perry

Rt. Rev. James DeWolf Perry, D.D.

Mr. Marsden J. Perry

John M. Peters, M.D.

Mr. Arthur L. Philbrick

Mr. Charles H. Philbrick

Mr. Arthur S. Phillips

Mrs. Frank N. Phillips

Mr. Emil G. Pieper

Mr. Byron A. Pierce

Mr. Thomas L. Pierce

Mr. Albert H. Poland

Prof. Albert K. Potter

Dr. Arthur M. Potter

Mr. B. Thomas Potter

Mrs. Dexter B. Potter

Mrs. T. I. Hare Powel

Mr. Howard W. Preston

Mrs. Howard W. Preston

Mr. Robert S. Preston

Miss Evelyn M. Purdy

Helen C. Putnam, M.D.

Mr. Patrick H. Quinn

Mrs. George R. Ramsbottom

Mr. Walter E. Ranger

Mrs. C. K. Rathbone

Hon. Elmer J. Rathbun

Mrs. Irving E. Raymond

Mr. Charles C. Remington

Rhode Island State College

Mr. Dana Rice

Mr. Herbert W. Rice

Gen. John J. Richards

Miss Louise Richardson

Mr. Henry Isaac Richmond

Mrs. George W. H. Ritchie

Mr. Louis E. Robinson

Mr. Robert Rodman

Rev. Arthur Rogers

Mr. Kenneth Shaw Safe

Mrs. Harold P. Salisbury

RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Mr. Henry Salomon
Mrs. G. Coburn Sanctuary
Mrs. George C. Scott
Mrs. David S. Seaman
Mr. Henry M. Sessions
Miss Ellen D. Sharpe
Mr. Henry D. Sharpe
Eliot A. Shaw, M.D.
Mrs. Frederick E. Shaw-
Mrs. George St. J. Sheffield
Mr. Charles Shepard
Mr. Clarence E. Sherman
Mr. Harry B. Sherman
Mrs. Arthur F. Short
Mrs. Philip B. Simonds
Mrs. Charles Sisson
Mrs. Byron N. H. Smith
Mrs. Charles H. Smith
Edgar B. Smith, M.D.
Mrs. Edwin C. Smith
Joseph Smith, M.D.
Mr. Nathaniel W. Smith
R. Morton Smith, M.D.
Mr. Walter B. Smith
Mr. Ward E. Smith
Mr. Sylvester M. Snow
Mr. William A. Spicer
Hon. Ernest L. Sprague
Mrs. James G. Staton
Hon. Charles F. Stearns
Mr. Thomas E. Steere
Mr. Oscar Frank Stetson
Miss Maud Lyman Stevens
Mr. Edward Clinton Stiness
Mr. Henry Y. Stites
Mr. Charles C. Stover
Mrs. Charles C. Stover
Mr. Charles T. Straight
Mr. H. Nelson Street
Mr. Henry A. Street
Mr. Rush Sturges
Hon. Arthur P. Sumner
Mr. Frank H. Swan
Hon. John W. Sweeney
Miss Louisa A. Sweetland

Mr. Royal C. Taft

Prof. Will S. Taylor

Benjamin F. Tefft, M.D.

Mrs. J. P. Thorndike

Louisa Paine Tingley, M.D.

Mr. F. L. Titsworth

Mrs. William O. Todd

Mrs. Stacy Tolman

Mr. Frederick E. Tripp

Mr. William J. Tully

Mrs. Albert C. Tyler

Mr. D. Berkeley Updike

Mr. William H. Vanderbilt

Mr. William A. Viall

Mrs. Arthur M. Walker

Mr. A. Tingley Wall

Mrs. Maurice K. Washburn

Mrs. Lewis A. Waterman

Prof. Arthur E. Watson

Mr. Byron S. Watson

Mr. John J. Watson

Mr. W. L. Watson

Mrs. William B. Weeden

Mr. Richard Ward Greene Welling

Mr. John H. Wells

Mr. Edward H. West

Mr. Thomas H. West, Jr.

Mrs. Elizabeth Nicholson White

Mr. Willis H. White

Mrs. Henry A. Whitmarsh

Mr. Frederick Bernays Wiener

Mr. Frank J. Wilder'

Mrs. Elizabeth K. Wilkinson

Mr. Daniel L. Willmarth, Jr.

Miss Amey L. Wilson

Mr. William A. Wing

Mr. Wilson G. Wing

Mrs. George P. Winship

Mrs. C. Howard Wood

Rev. William Worthington

Mr. Carlos G. Wright

Mr. Nathan M. Wright

Mr. Lawrence C. Wroth

Mr. Frederick W. York

Form of Legacy

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island
Historical Society the sum of
dollars. "

Rogj k Williams Press ^1^

E. A. Johnson Co.

providence

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Historical Society

Collections

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«3

Vol. XXVIII

APRIL, 1935/ - ^No. 2

THE HOYLE TAVERN

From a daguerreotype taken in 18 57 by G. L. Hurd.

See page 33. Photograph on file in the Society's Library.

Issued Quarterly

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island

CONTENTS

PAGE

The Old Hoyle Tavern

bv Horace G. Belcher . . . Cover and 33

Alleged Runic Inscriptions in Rhode Island

by Edmund B. Delabarre .... 49

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . . 57

Notes 5 8

Gabriel Bernon's House

drawing by Z. Allen ..... 59

Treasurer's Report ...... 60

RHODE

HISTORICAL

ISLAND

SOCIETY

COLLECTIONS

Vol. XXVIII

APRIL, 1935

No. 2

H. Anthony Dyer, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.

- The Old Hoyle Tavern

By Horace G. Belcher

Few localities in Rhode Island have been better known to
greater numbers over a long period of years than the V-
shaped junction of Westminster and Cranston streets, now
named Canonicus square but still termed Hoyle square by
many. For this was the site during seven generations, of the
famous old Hoyle Tavern, one of the first taverns opened
on the West side of Providence and for nearly a century and
a half one of the best known places of resort in or near the
old town founded by Roger Williams.

Located at the junction of the highway to Moshantituck

later the Cranston road and now Cranston street — and

that leading to Newtaconsonutt, long known as High street
and now called Westminster, two great tides of travel
passed its doors and united in front of it, to flow into the
town by its main highway. One came from Connecticut
through the Western farming and manufacturing towns
of Rhode Island — down the New London Turnpike,

34 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

through Coventry and Cranston; the other from the Plain-
held, Hartford and Norwich Turnpikes, flowing through
Olneyville from the Northern and Northwestern towns —
Burrillville, North Smithheld, Smithfield, Glocester, Sci-
tuate, Foster, Johnston — a section of farms and small, often
isolated mills, much of it far more densely populated a
century ago, than now.

Down these roads came great teams hauling raw materi-
als and finished products from the small mills whose stone
skeletons may yet be seen along many streams whose remote
situations did not weigh against the water power they fur-
nished; drovers with herds of cattle; farmers with loads
of produce for barter in the town ; stage coaches with trav-
ellers eager to stretch their legs and get something to wash
down the dust in their throats before the last long stretch of
road into Providence.

These coaches came from Connecticut towns and Rhode
Island villages; from Hartford, through Scituate; Hart-
ford, via Pomfret; Norwich via South Scituate; Danielson
and North Scituate; Cranston; Clayville via Simmonsville;
Hartford and Norwich via Scituate Four Corners; Cran-
ston; Olneyville. They passed at all hours on every day
save Sunday, those to the most remote points reaching the
Hoyle outward bound in the early morning of every other
day, inward bound in late afternoon or early evening. The
Olneyville stage ran daily, every hour from Providence.1

It was a never ending stream of travel, passing on both
sides of the old tavern as it stood inside the point of the V
looking toward the town at the junction of the two main
roads, on the very site where stands today the building of
the Citizens Savings Bank.

Year after year the old tavern stood there, until a century
passed and half of another; until it became the best known
tavern of the town, a landmark and directing point. To say
"It's near the Hoyle" was to identify the location of any
point instantly, to all save the stranger here. Even today,

1 Providence Directory, 1850, 1855-56.

THE OLD HOYLE TAVERN 35

years after the name of the open space in front of the bank
was officially changed by the city, it is generally known by
its old name of Hoyle Square, or to older residents as "The
Hoyle."

Yet although the Hoyle Tavern was carried on by vari-
ous proprietors nearly a century and a half before the old
hostelry was removed to make way for a business block
which in turn was replaced by the modern bank building
now standing on the site, the tavern which to the end bore
his name was in charge of a Hoyle but 1 3 years. The name
remained on the sign and the impress of his identity on the
place, although he served his last flip there in 1 796 and was
not even the first to open the tavern. Nor was this the first
Hoyle Tavern in the town, although the earlier one is
now almost forgotten and its name and location is uncertain.

The legend on a picture of the house which for years
hung in the old sitting room of the tavern, gave the date of
opening as 1724." The date most generally accepted for
many years was 1 782 3 and the tavern was said to have been
named after the man who built and opened it and who also
had a Hoyle Tavern, less well known, out in Triptown, the
present Manton.4

But Col. Joseph Hoyle, whose name remained on the
sign to the end, did not become owner of the house until
1783" — and a tavern had been carried on there for many
years previous to his purchase of the place. Moreover, there
had been a Hoyle Tavern in Providence for years before
any buildings were erected at the intersecting roadways to
the hill towns of Rhode Island and the Connecticut hill
country beyond.

The first mention of a Hoyle as a tavern keeper is on the

2 History of Providence County, Edited by Richard M. Bayles, Prov-
idence, 1891.

3 Ibid., and manuscript account of Old Providence Taverns, by Dr.
Franklin C. Clark, now (1933) in possession of Howard W. Preston.

4 History of Providence County, Bayles.

5 Deed Book 20, Section 2, page 723, Providence Land Records.

36 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

sixth of July, 1 728, when in the entry of the Town Council
meeting of that date "Doctr Hoyl" is listed among the 1 2
appearing "to take Licence." He paid 2 shillings, 1 0 pence."

Dr. John Hoyle, first of several of this name, is men-
tioned by Staples in his "Annals of Providence" as "one of
the most active and efficient of the number" that composed
the society organizing what now is the First Congregational
(Unitarian) Church. He must have been a man of firm
convictions and positive action, for in 1721, during a con-
troversy over the proper location for the new church edifice,
he visited neighboring colonies to solicit financial aid and
after raising money in Connecticut and Massachusetts, on
his return began erecting the church near the junction of the
present Broad and Westminster Streets.'

He did this without consulting others, after buying the
land. "So great was the dissatisfaction at the conduct of
Dr. Hoyle", says Staples, "that the house was torn down
after it had been partially finished, and tradition says, in
the night time."

Dr. Hoyle was born in Bury, in Lancaster, England,
April 4, 1685s and was buried in the graveyard he estab-
lished on his own land, February 11, 1766. The Hoyle
burial plot was at what now is the corner of Broad and
Moore Streets, still an empty lot growing up to brush.9 This
plot was in Cranston until the extension of the Providence
city line in 1 868.

In his will Dr. Hoyle left 1 5 pounds to the town of
Cranston for care of this burial plot, but the trust was not
executed and the condition of the lot finally became so
neglected that two of his descendants had the bodies re-
moved to Locust Grove Cemetery on Elmwood Avenue."
The gravestones with the exception of two large ones that

6 Early Records of the Town of Providence, refrint, Vol. 12, page 87,
Providence, 1897

7 Annals of Providence, by William R. Staples, Providence, 18+3.

8 R. I. Historical Society Collections, Vol. 25, page 112, October,
1932.

"Mrs. George W. Carr, direct descendant of Dr. John Hoyle.

38 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

stood just beside the tomb, were replaced in the new ceme-
tery. The two larger stones, one of them headed with the
name of Dr. John Hoyle, were given to the Rhode Island
Historical Society and placed in the society's exhibits.

The land originally purchased by Dr. Hoyle for church
purposes was roughly centered by what now is Fenner
Street. Late in the Eighteenth Century the family home
was near the corner of the present Westminster and Bridg-
ham Streets.1" The name has been perpetuated in Hoyle
Street as well as in memories of the old Hoyle Tavern. The
family is all but extinct, the last survivor being Mrs. George
W. Carr, widow of one of the best known Providence phy-
sicians of another generation.

In the records of a Town Council meeting held July 14,
1729, mainly for the granting of licenses, is this entry:
" — it is voated that those that will haue Licence shall Giue
after the same Rate that they Gaue the last yeare and that
John Hoyle is accepted in the Roome of fiernot Packard
and John Randall Jn in the Roome of Edward Potter &
accepted 2-x-O-O." John Hoyle paid that day 2-10-0.11

August 3, 1730, the Council granted 14 licenses, includ-
ing one to John Hoyle, the record reading: "Mr. John
Hoyle hath payd 2-10-0.""

Again two years later, he appears. The Council met
August 14, 1732 mainly for the granting of licenses and the
entry reads: "John Hoyle is to haue a Licence for the sum
of 50 shillings: in a reasonable time."13 His tavern must
have been on the "Towne Row," now North and South
Main Streets, one of the most desirable locations, for he and
William Hopkins were the only ones to pay 2 pounds 10
shillings fee. The other six paid two pounds only.

Next year he met opposition. August 1 8, 1 733, at a meet-
ing "mainly to Grant Licences and Licence Tavern keep-

10 Ibid.

11 Earl 'v Records of the Town of Providence, refrint, Vol. 1 2, page 88.
1 -I hid. , page 90.'

13 Ibid., page 93.

THE OLD HOYLE TAVERN 39

ers," the record says: "John Hoyle appeared to take Licence
and was Rejected by a voate of the Councill." "

This was six years before the first license was granted at
what we know as the Hoyle Tavern and more than half a
century before Col. Joseph Hoyle bought the already sus-
cessful inn to which he gave his name.

This John Hoyle of Cranston was his grandfather. The
interruption of the license must have been merely tem-
porary, for in his will, rhade April 16, 1758 and recorded
February 6, 1 766, five days before his burial, John Hoyle
"of Cranston" directs his son James, father of Joseph, to
"asist his mother in her business, her paying him for it."
He divided his lands in Cranston and his house in Provi-
dence among his widow and three children, left sums of
money to grand-children as well as 1 5 pounds to "the town
of Cranston treasury" to maintain his Hoyle graveyard and
continued: -

"And further my will is that children should be loving
each other and to their mother and she the same to them
and I would pray that they would think that their poor
Mother and Father had no body to give any thing to them
and that I have labored hard to get a few pence for them
and hope God will bless them with the same."

The "few pence" proved a sizable fortune for the times.
His estate inventoried 2887 pounds, 10 shillings, old tenor
and included a silver mounted sword and "cain," articles
proving him to have been a man of position as well as sub-
stance.1''

From such sturdy stock as this, came the tavern keeper
so long remembered at the junction of the two main roads
into Northern and Western Rhode Island.

The present site of the Citizens Savings Bank building
formed a part of a small tract of land laid out to Andrew
Harris in 171 2, comprising nearly 1 2 acres.16

14 Ibid., page 45.

x* Providence Probate Records, Book W-5, page 411.

10 Manuscript of Dr. Franklin C. Clark.

40 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

John Angell, grandson of the first Thomas, one of the
original settlers of Providence, bought it from Harris in
1714 and resold it to his brother, Joseph Angell in 1722,
the deed being dated May 24. ' ' The Highway to Moshanti-
tuck, now Cranston Street, was laid out through one corner
of the land.

At this time there were no improvements on it, for none
is mentioned in the deed.

Joseph Angell had held possession of the land for 12
years when on February 21, 1734-5, he sold a triangular
piece "one acre more or less, situated on Weybosset Plain, a
little Southwest from the dwelling house of Ebenezer
Knight,' ' to Timothy Blanchard, blacksmith. The land con-
veyed extended Easterly and was bounded on the West by
land afterward owned by John Carter. Its North bound was
the highway to Newtaconsonutt, its South bound the "high-
way that leads to Moshantituck," the East bound being "in
the corner where said two highways meet." This deed did
not mention any buildings or improvements on the land.

The "highway leading toward Newtaconsonutt" was for
many years known as High Street, the street beginning at
the New Market, at the junction of Pawtuxet Road, now
Broad Street, and running to the Johnston line. It is now
called Westminster Street which in the days of High Street
extended only from the West side of Weybosset Bridge, to
High Street. The "highway that leads to Moshantituck"
was Cranston Street, which formerly ran from 164 High
Street to the West boundary line. This road was laid out
in 1717.

Blanchard built a dwelling house on the land, for when in
1739-40 he conveyed this acre of land to Obadiah Brown
another blacksmith, for a consideration of 200 pounds, a
dwelling house thereon was mentioned in the deed, which
read "with my dwelling house, being my house thereon
standing, it being my homestead." The deed to Obadiah

11 Ibid, and Deed Book 5, page 210, Providence Land Records.

THE OLD HOYLE TAVERN 41

Brown was dated March 3, 1739-40. This house was later
the Hoyle Tavern.

Obadiah Brown later became owner of Starve Goat Is-
land in the upper bay, off Washington Park, now home
of the Providence Floating Hospital Association. In the
deed to the island, as in one made to him by Zachariah
Mathewson, dated January 5, 1 746, he is described as "inn-
holder."18

Obadiah Brown was Jthe first to open the inn which in
later years was so well known, the first license being granted
March 14, 1739-40 to keep "a Publick Ale House." He
paid 1 7 shillings six pence fee, for license to run until the
following September, the usual date for granting licenses.10
He must have been popular and successful from the start,
for from 1742 to 1745, the Town Council met at his
tavern.

Obadiah Brown died early in 1753 and left his house and
furniture for the use of his widow during her lifetime. In
his will, dated April 25 of that year, he described himself
as "a yoeman, alias innholder." His inventory shows he
was possessed at the time of his death, of a punch bowl and
drinking glasses, as well as a cask of rum. The term "yoe-
man" then denoted a well to do man lower in social rank
than a gentleman well born and above a "goodman."

Here, then, was the beginning of the Hoyle Tavern as
an inn — March 14, 1739-40 — the house itself being four
or five years old at that time. From this period until early
in 1887 when the last license holder retired and the rooms
in the old building were used as a lodging house, it was
one of the best known places in Rhode Island.

In those early days taverns were kept in the houses of
the proprietors and the whole family assisted in the duties
of entertaining guests. The license granted William Hop-
kins by the Providence Town Council December 13, 1731,

18 Letter signed "S" in Providence Sunday Journal, 1888, reprinted
in Narragansett Historical Register, Vol. 6, page 313, July, 1888.
111 Dr. Franklin C. Clark manuscript.

42 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

was "to keep a Publick aile house tipling and Victling house
in the house where he now Liveth in Providence." The fee
was 40 shillings, although Jeremiah Brown was that day
granted one for 26 shillings.2"

The fee paid for a license depended on the situation of
the inn. The Town Council ordered, March 10, 1721, the
rate set at 20 shillings for those "that Lieues adjoyneing
to the Town street" that is, the road between the foot of
the hill and the water's edge, now North and South Main
Streets. "And these others that are Remote from said
Towne att the time of there taking there Licence shall pay
downe the sum of fifteene shillings money — at the expira-
tion of the year each person shall pay enough to make up
40 shillings'."

August 18, 1724, the Council "Voated that Each person
that is Licenced to Keepe a Tauern in the Towne Row shall
pay the sum of 50 shillings downe ; takeing in Zachariah
Mathewson and William Allen also and these that are
Licensed in the Woods shall pay the sum of forty shillings
downe Each." The woods were at the very edge of the
town, which then spread only a short distance on the West
side of the river. As late as 1776 it extended only about a
mile along the Towne street on the East side.

The early inns were small, as were all the houses in
Providence. Later they were enlarged as they were built
to accommodate more custom. But always the best among
them maintained a high reputation for hospitality. Rev.
Dr. Dwight writing of the New England inns of the early
part of the last century said: "In a word, you found in
these inns the pleasures of an excellent private house. If
you were sick you were nursed and befriended as in your
own family. To rinish the story, your bills were always
equitable, calculated on what you ought to pay and not
upon the scheme of getting the most which extortion might
think proper to demand." J1

20T/?e Colonial Tavern by Edward Field, Providence, 1897.
21 Ibid.

THE OLD HOYLE TAVERN 43

The old Sayles tavern, sometimes called the Pidge Tav-
ern after the successor of Sayles, still standing on North
Main Street nearly opposite the Pawtucket car house, is one
of the few remaining Rhode Island examples of the earliest
type of dwelling house inn remaining unaltered. Here the
liquid cheer was served from a small closet opening from
the large living room on the ground floor. The bar itself
was a shelf set on the lower half of a Dutch door to this
closet. The Hoyle Taverri to its very end retained the old
kitchen barroom almost unchanged, although this was suc-
ceeded in the later days of the establishment by a large and
more modern barroom in an ell added to the original
structure on the High street end.

The innkeeper was one of the leading citizens of the
town. In early Massachusetts he ranked in importance
after the minister. In Rhode Island as elsewhere in New
England, he -often held office and usually was a man of
much influence. The first Town Clerk of Providence kept
an inn and the Town Council often met there. Thomas
Fenner, who kept tavern at "his house in the woods" near
Neutaconcit in Providence, was "Major for the main,"
which gave him command of all the militia on the main-
land in Rhode Island. Besides this he was a justice of the
peace, store keeper and a surveyor of no mean ability.

William Turpin, licensed in Providence in 1731 and
other years, was Town Treasurer. The General Assembly
sat in the Turpin house, located on the West side of the
present North Main Street. The list of licenses granted
by the Providence Town Council July 6, 1717, numbering
13, was headed by Lieut. William Harris and "Sarjant
William Turpen" — the same who became Town Treasurer.
James Sabin, who kept the tavern at South Main and Power
Streets where the Gaspee plot was hatched, was a Colonel.

The tavern was the resort of everyone in the town, for
the use of ale and liquor was universal, even by the clergy ;
there all the news centered ; there politics originated and
public movements started ; any public meetings held, were

44 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

at the tavern. It was the centre of town life, town politics,
town activity — even of town history in many cases.

Licenses were issued only to men of good character. In
Providence as in other towns, the Town Council usually
met at the house of some one of these licensed tavern
keepers and dined there at the expense of the town at these
meetings.

"The constituted authorities then deemed it proper to
patronize the houses they licensed and there does not appear
any great disproportion between the amounts charged for
dinners and for the liquor that followed them," says
Staples in his "Annals of Providence."

"for instance: a bill in the City Clerk's office charges,
April 3, 1757, six dinners at 5 pounds 8 shillings} punch
two pounds j May 28, seven dinners at 6 pounds 6 shillings;
punch 2 pounds." Luke Thurston in a bill similarly pre-
served, charges for the Town Council, "dinners, &c; din-
ners and liquor j dinners, punch and wine."

The number of tavern licenses in Providence varied in
several years, but generally was between 20 and 30, the
highest fee paid being 12 pounds. In 1749 Providence had
31 tavern keepers. There were then 3177 whites, 225
negroes and 50 Indians in the town, a total of 3452, giving
an inn for every 1 1 1 persons. In 1 750 there were 30 taverns,
the highest fee being then eight pounds, paid by only three
of the tavern keepers.""

Providence still is one of the smallest American cities
in area although a leader in population, yet until 1868
Parkis Avenue marked its Southern boundary with Crans-
ton, on the Pawtuxet Road, now Broad Street. At the
time the Hoyle Tavern was first opened, the town lay for
a mile along the Easterly side of Towne Street, the present
North and South Main Streets, its later growth first ex-
tending up the hillside along which the Proprietor's lots
lay, behind this main highway.

22 Staples' Annals of Providence.

THE OLD HOYLE TAVERN 45

Weybosset Bridge, crossing the river to reach the sec-
tion on the West side which at one time it was proposed to
make a separate town with the name Westminster, was
several times destroyed by tides and freshets and in 1 746,
the year in which Obadiah Brown was first described as
innholder, was rebuilt with the proceeds of a lottery and
widened to 1 8 feet.

The roads were unbelievedly poor, both in the town and
outside it and progress over them was slow — one reason
why taverns were often located every mile or so. The earli-
est travel was by horseback and it was well along in the cen-
tury that saw the opening of the Hoyle Tavern, before
stage coaches became general.

Describing the condition of the roads at the time, Samuel
Thurber wrote: "May, 1776, I went to Pomfret, 36 miles,
in a chaise ; the road was so stony and rough that I could
not ride out "of a slow walk but very little of the way. I
was near two days in going. Such was the general state of
our roads at the time.

"About this time there would be, now and then, a person
who wanted a passage to Boston. Col. William Brown,
who lived quite at the Northeast corner of the town, on a
farm, kept what was called a curricle, drawn by two horses ;
he would be their carrier. It would take him about three
days to go and return."23

The main roads were improved but little until many of
them were taken over as turnpikes by private corporations
which collected toll in return for their improvement. These
turnpike companies came much later — -the Norwich Pike,
which began at the Hoyle being opened in 1 794 and con-
tinuing until 1857. This was a branch of the Douglas and
Providence Pike, one of the three turnpikes permitted to
enter the town while privately owned. It ran down West-
minster to the corner of what is now Stokes Street, thence
along the line of Plainfield Street to Cranston, South Sci-

23 Samuel Thurber's letter in Staples' Annals of Providence.

4') RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

tuate and Richmond, to the Connecticut State line near
Oneco.24

The Hartford Turnpike, now a State road still known as
the Hartford Pike, ran for part of its way over the Prov-
idence and Norwich Pike. It extended through Scituate
and reached Connecticut at Killingly. With such roads,
travel was necessarily slow and a day's journey was a short
one. Taverns at frequent intervals were a necessity of the
tunes.

The Hoyle was first a stopping place for farmers and
others using the two main roads that passed it on either side
and later, as the town grew and living conditions became
easier, was a popular place of resort for the young people
of the town. It became noted as a place serving good cheer
in liquids and food, the objective of sleighing parties in
winter and of evening drives in summer.

"Situated as it was, far out in the country, with no bridge
to cross the river from the East side, the jovial parties of
young men and women had to go far out in the country
in their excursions to wind up in a dance and a good time
at the Hoyle" says one chronicler. "It was the earliest
tavern on the West side.~r'

It is a bit difficult to understand this reference, for such
detours were necessary only when Weybosset bridge, which
had been built before the tavern was first opened, was in
repair or had been carried away. It is possible that this may
refer to the tavern opened by Dr. John Hoyle at a much
earlier date and situated in Triptown, the present Manton.

This quotation probably refers to the statement of Wil-
liam Woodward, who told Stephen D. Olney "that in the
days of his youth when the young folks on that side of the
river wanted to get up a dance or ball, they had to go out
into the country to get at a tavern to be accomodated, which
he said was the old Hoyle Tavern and sometimes on

24 Providence Sunday Journal, January 2 5,1 890.
25 History of Providence Counts, Bavles.

THE OLD HOYLE TAVERN 47

account of the bridge being out of repair, they had to go
around over Smith's Hill and Olneyville to get at the
tavern."""

To the end of its career it retained its popularity as a
resort for horsemen and farmers and when the buildings
were sold at auction in 1 890 preparatory to clearing the site,
these former customers made up a very considerable part
of the crowd attending the sale.

Obadiah Brown must have been successful from the start
of his tavern, for its location between two main roads was
excellent and its owner continued to buy property. After
his death in 1 753, his widow Martha carried on the tavern
for a quarter century until her death in 1778."' The first
license found in her name was dated October, 1753. She was
allowed to keep a victualling house and to sell liquors on
the usual conditions, to preserve order on the premises and
to permit no gambling or other unlawful practices.

Widow Martha died at the close of 1778. She had only
a life interest in the property which she managed so well
for a full quarter-century, the longest tenancy of any
license holder in the history of the tavern. She left what
must have been a prosperous and profitable inn but there
is no record of any other host there until Col. Joseph Hoyle
took it over in 1783. He bought the property from the
devisees of Obadiah Brown for 2000 "good Spanish milled
dollars," which at the scale of depreciation adopted in June,
1781 was equivalent to $320,000 Continental old emission.
Col. Hoyle already owned land in that vicinity and
nearer the river, for he had been buying at intervals since
1 772, starting with land adjoining his own on Union street,
adding a piece near Dock street and in 1777 and 1778 buy-
ing from other children of James Hoyle, their shares in
the estate of their father.

Some of this land, like that of his sister Phebe whose one

~fi The Old Taverns of Providence by Elisha Dyer, in Narragansett
Historical Register, Vol. 5, No. 2, page 145, October, 1886.
27 Dr. Franklin C. Clark manuscript.

48 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

and one-half acres was an award in her successful suit for
her legal share (1778) and that bought in 1782 from
Anthony and Lydia Westcott for 108 Spanish milled dol-
lars was described as being "near Widow Martha Brown"
so he apparently was reaching out to reunite the acres
scattered by his father's death. In the earlier deeds he is
termed "cooper" or "cooper, alias yoeman," but from 1777
on he is described as "yoeman." The Providence land
records show 17 transfers of realty to him.

The deed was dated April 22, 1783. That was the day
on which Providence celebrated the cessation of arms pro-
claimed by Congress on the 1 1th of April, following the
signing of the treaty of peace between the United States
and Great Britain at Versailles in January — the official end
of the War for Independence.

The morning opened with a discharge of cannon and the
ringing of bells in the town. The Continental frigate
Alliance, then in Providence harbor, was decked with flags,
as was the rest of the shipping. A civic procession escorted
by the Artillery, marched from the house of Deputy Gov-
ernor Jabez Bowen to the Baptist meeting house, where
Rev. Enos Hitchcock, minister of the First Congregational
Society of which Dr. John Hoyle was one of the founders,
preached a sermon followed by an oration by Asher Rob-
bins, later of Newport but then a tutor at the college here.

After the services at the meeting house, the procession
marched to the court house, where the proclamation of
Congress for a cessation of arms was read from the balcony,
followed by a discharge of cannon from the State House
parade, and a battery on the East hill near the beacon.
The proclamation was also read in two other places, after
which the procession returned to the State House where a
dinner was served, followed by 1 3 toasts, each under a
discharge of 1 3 cannon. In the evening the State House and
the Market House, now the Chamber of Commerce build-
ing in Market Square, were illuminated and a display of
fireworks closed the day."s

28 Annals of Providence, Staples.

( To be concluded)

ALLEGED RUNIC INSCRIPTIONS IN R. I. 49

Alleged Runic Inscriptions in Rhode Island

By Edmund B. Delabarre

The first hint that the Vinland of the Northmen was in
the vicinity of Narragansett Bay was given just about a
hundred years ago, by^ Professor Rafn of Denmark, in the
book called Antiquit cites Americanae. The idea took firm
hold of popular imagination and material evidences of the
Northmen's presence were eagerly sought and ardently
defended.

The evidence to be gathered from the Sagas themselves
is conflicting and uncertain. Attempts to interpret it in
terms of definite localities have been numerous and vacillat-
ing. Of recent writers, Edward F. Gray ( "Leif Eriksson,"
1930) tries to prove from the saga descriptions that the
Norse headquarters were on Martha's Vineyard and No-
mansland; while Dr. Wilfred Grenfell ("Romance of
Labrador," 1934) is equally sure that they were in Labra-
dor. Both of them examine every item of evidence with
skill and care. The reader who, like myself, pretends to no
expert knowledge on the subject, is inclined to agree with
each as he reads him but to decide in the end that so far the
question has not been settled. The situation is well expressed
by Henry C. Kittredge in his book on "Cape Cod," where
he says: "Human nature too readily bends the large phrases
of the sagas to fit the contours of any desired landscape. The
wisest men and the best authorities unite in their skepticism
regarding all such alleged Norse itineraries."

With reference to alleged material records and indica-
tions of their presence, however, the case is entirely differ-
ent. There is nothing dubious about them. If any unques-
tionable instance of the sort could be discovered it would be
of the utmost importance. Time after time candidates for
this dignity have been advanced, but one after another they
have fallen in the light of careful examination and sound

50 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

criticism. They have been defended with much more of
emotional wish to believe than with credible evidence.
Nevertheless, the widespread popular desire to prove the
presence of Northmen in these regions persists with remark-
able but understandable fervor. It never yet has been re-
warded by calmly acceptable verification. lake Dighton
Rock, the inscribed rocks at Tiverton, Portsmouth, and
Mark Rock in Rhode Island have been proved to bear no
runic records. Like the famous "skeleton-in-armor" in
nearby Massachusetts, the stone tower in Newport has been
proved to have had no commerce with the Northmen; it is
what remains of a well-authenticated Colonial windmill.

There is a rock on the storm-swept beach of Nomansland
which bears an indubitable record in runic letters and a date
in Roman numerals. 1 have studied it carefully, and when
I report upon my conclusions I shall give what 1 believe to
be convincing evidence that it was carved certainly not more
than a hundred years ago and probably at some time within
the present century.

The only other pertinent record in this vicinity is that of
the rock lying on the shore near the base of Mount Hope.
At the time when I wrote about it some years ago, it was
widely believed that it was a Norse runic inscription, but
so far as I knew no attempt had been made to translate it
except an absurd and unsupported one by Ernest Fales.
Very recently I have learned of an unpublished translation
by a reputable scholar. 1 am glad to acknowledge my in-
debtedness to Mrs. Dorothy M. Barry of Portland, who
has made it possible to add it to the historical data concern-
ing this interesting rock.

On January 29, 1899, John E. Mullaly of Fall River,
and a companion whose initials were BEG, chalked the
characters on the rock as they saw them, photographed them
(see illustration herewith ), and sent the photograph to
Professor Adrian Scott. Scott had been earlier connected
with Brown I niversity as a teacher of Germanic and Scan-
dinavian Philology. He found it possible to see the charac-

ALLEGED RUXIC INSCRIPTIONS IN R. I.

THE MOUNT HOPE INSCRIPTION AS PHOTOGRAPHED IN 1899

ters as runic letters, and expressed complete confidence that
he had read them correctly. I condense his exposition as
much as possible. Anyone can see what Scott believed that
he found if he will consult a Table of Runic Letters;*
select the ones representing our letters "hallr vakkzt,"
writing the / and k only once but attaching a horizontal line
underneath each as a sign of its doubling; and then imagine
all these letters as rotated a quarter-turn to the right so as
to lie sidewise in the line instead of upright. The "hallr"
is the nominative form of the proper name "Hall ; " the verb
"vakka" means "to stray," and the "-zt" is the reflexive
sign. Therefore, according to Scott, the whole means: "Hall
went astray of himself and was lost here."

There are plenty of good reasons for rejecting this read-
ing of the inscription. The lines as chalked in 1899 are
shown in poor perspective, some of them are blurred, and
my own later studies prove that many were mistakenly
drawn. Scott did not accept them exactly as drawn in more

*Runic letters were variable. The Table in the Encyclopedia Ameri-
cana gives them about as Scott wrote them, except that the runic u is
to be used for v, and z is to be taken as the reverse of /.

^J. RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

than three or four cases, but supplied much by his own
imagination. The message that he found would have been
an unbelievably trivial thing for the Northmen to have
taken pains to carve, when they left no other and more
significant record anywhere on the coast of America. My
own Cherokee-Wampanoag reading, attributed to about
the year 1834, still remains the most probably correct ren-
dering of the inscription.

In spite of repeated disappointments of the hope that
alleged Norse remains may prove to be genuine, new at-
tempts to find and defend them continually arise. Besides
actual inscriptions, another class of marks upon rocks must
engage our attention in this connection, such as glacial scor-
ings, weathering phenomena, natural veins or intrusions in
the rock, or marks due to other natural causes ; or such as
those produced accidentally by human agency in the course
of grinding or ploughing operations. These are seized upon
sometimes by the ardent advocates of runic inscriptions as
examples of Norse writing. A recent case of this sort de-
serves examination.

Two letters were received by this Society last August,
reporting the existence of a rock with mysterious markings
at Chopmist Orchards in North Scituate. The correspond-
ents were very fair in their attitude toward it. As one of
them said: "I do not consider myself qualified to give an
opinion on the characters; my judgment might be influ-
enced by my hopes." Their hopes, evidently, were that the
markings might turn out to be a runic record of genuine
antiquity. No one can dispute their right to such a hope.

The problem having been placed in my hands, I went
with one of the writers to examine the rock. It is a flattish
stone, whose appearance on its marked face is shown in the
accompanying photograph. It lies close to the base of a
stone wall and evidently has been removed at some time in
the past from somewhere within the neighboring orchard.
The same is true of numerous other stones lying close to the
wall, whose presence there is due clearly to no other cause

ALLEGED RUNIC INSCRIPTIONS IN R. I.

A PLOUGH-SCORED ROCK AT CHOPMIST ORCHARDS

than that they had become nuisances in the course of long-
ago ploughing of the field.

The right edge of the stone as the photograph shows it
measures about 2 feet 7 inches, the base 2 feet 4 inches, the
left edge so far as it runs straight about 1 foot 6 inches. The
thickness is 1 foot 3 inches at the right side, tapering uni-
formly to a thin edge at the left. The weight is about 500
pounds. The rock is fine-grained granite. The marked sur-
face is almost flat, with the upper half much pitted and
weathered and the lower half smooth, and with a slight
angle between the two parts. It seems to have been shaped
by glacial action, and not by artificial dressing as one ob-
server suggested. The marks are from 6 to 8 inches long,
about Yi inch wide, with a smooth rounded section.

It will be noticed that all the sure scored lines run almost
straight in one direction only, vertically in the photograph,

54 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

with only slight deviations in direction or curvature. Addi-
tional side-lines attached to them, such as would be neces-
sary in order to make them resemble letters of any alphabet,
runic or other, have been surmised. I am very sure that all
such supposed additional marks are matters of guess-work
only, with no support justifying one guess in preference to a
dozen others, and are based actually upon weatherings of
the rock. Whatever their origin, they are of no least value
as evidence of ancient Norse wanderings, and one who seeks
signs of the latter can not profitably appeal to any such dubi-
ous scratches and pittings in support of his belief.

The clear and indubitable scratches on this stone can be
understood most satisfactorily as the scorings of a plough.
To this opinion my correspondents have objected that
farmers whom they have talked with are agreed that no
team of horses would be powerful enough to make marks
of such depth on granite, and that no plough could with-
stand the impact without breaking. The argument which 1
present below is essentially a repetition of what 1 have writ-
ten to them in reply.

The earliest suggestion that markings of this kind could
be made by plough was made to me many years ago at
Sachuest Point by a farmer, by the side of whose field lay
a stone on which I saw what at first I suspected might possi-
bly be Indian pictographs. But he told me that the marks
were made by plough, or some by crowbar in getting it out
of the field. This was a new idea to me; but on looking
around, I found a number of other stones similarly marked
lying on the borders of the field and all evidently taken out
from it. Since then, searching for Indian relics, I have seen
many other examples of similar scorings on stones. There is
hardly any possibility that the marks I have in mind were
made in any other manner than by a plough. There is no
doubt that in a stony held the plough often scrapes along on
stones without damage to itself. A big stone lying high
enough up to be seen would be avoided, by going around or
by lifting over. But one far enough under the surface not to

ALLEGED RUXIC INSCRIPTIONS IN R. I.

be a very serious obstacle— though it might become such lat-
er by frost-heaving or soil-erosion or otherwise — would be
scratched by the plough year after year in different places
and to different depths, and no farmer would know or care
how deeply he had scratched it if didn't annoy him much
The ice-age was lavish in its gifts of glacial boulders to
the fields of New England. In relatively few of them, of
course, are the boulders such flatfish slabs as we are con-
sidering; but such cases exist in fair numbers. In any one of
them, few of the stones would be likely to lie with the upper
surface nearly parallel to the surface of the ground and at
just the right depth to engage the nose of a plough lightly;
but there might easily be a number of them; and some of
them might become worse obstacles as time went on, and
eventually get dug out. The Chopmist stone may have lain
originally with the now marked half of its face projecting
just a little into the tilled soil, where it would become
gradually roughened by weathering influences; and with
the smooth half buried in the subsoil and so protected from
such decay. If the ploughing was done repeatedly in the

same direction, along the gentle upslope of the stone, the
plough would slide across it without much difficulty. It
would get hit, year after year, in different places, rarely if
ever twice in exactly the same way. A number of nearly
parallel marks would be made upon it, sometimes running
straight, sometimes a little curved. If now such natural
agencies as I have mentioned at last brought the stone
nearer to the surface and made it more of an obstacle, or if
the direction of ploughing was reversed so that the stone

56 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

was hit squarely against its most projecting part, then con-
ceivably the plough might break; but also it might happen
that a stone no heavier than this would get dislodged
slightly. In either case, the farmer might become exasper-
ated enough to dig it out. The abundance of flatfish stones
now lying in and alongside such a field as that at Chopmist,
and the one at Sachuest Point, and elsewhere, shows that
farmers have often gone to that trouble. It is very sure that
they wrould rarely take any interest in the marks that had
previously been made on the stones. They might have
later beliefs that the strength of horses and the resistance of
ploughs to breaking would be inadequate for the production
of such grooves as we find on the Chopmist stone. But they
would not have founded those opinions upon actual obser-
vation.

I feel sure that the only Chopmist marks wrhich can be
accepted as due to human agency are the approximately
vertical ones. If not made by plough, I would have to be-
lieve that they were somehow made by nature, perhaps as
glacial scratches. A few further considerations are strongly
in favor of the plough theory. The Melds wrhere I have
observed stones thus marked have been under cultivation
for a very long time. In old days oxen were used for culti-
vation much more often than horses. Oxen are more power-
ful and patient. Their slower motion and persistent pull
wrould involve much less strain upon the plough and wrould
produce these effects more easily. I am assured by an
expert geologist, Professor Charles \V. Browrn, that fine-
grained granite would take such marks without difficulty $
though hard, it is not too resistant to abrasion. Finally, a
pretty fair test of a theory is its capacity to serve as basis for
successful prediction. After studying the Chopmist stone, I
expressed the belief that there must be other stones within
the orchard or alongside it, with similar markings on them;
and without giving much time to the search, wre found one
lying on the stone wall.

In the light of these considerations, a stone found in

ALLEGED RUNIC INSCRIPTIONS IN R. I. 57

Hampton, New Hampshire, becomes a useful bit of corrob-
orative evidence. I have spoken of it somewhat dubiously
in earlier writings. Since then I have found the original and
full description of it, in the Boston Weekly Journal for July
1 8, 1902. The writer says that the stone had been discov-
ered not more than 20 years earlier, that it lies in the earth
with its face near the top of the ground, and that the field
has been under tillage for over 1 50 years. This description,
and the pictures of the" markings (one version of which I
published in my book on "Dighton Rock" ) leave me con-
fident that it is another case of plough-marks. Yet, along
with many other impossible cases, it has been confidently
accepted by many persons as a relic of the Northmen.

There are only two alleged runic records anywhere in
America about which there is any present controversy: those
at Yarmouth in Nova Scotia and at Kensington in Minne-
sota. I leave them in the hands of the disputants. Within
the limits of New England, nothing which has ever yet been
advocated as a material relic or record of the Vinland voy-
ages has the least chance of being accepted by competent
scholars as anything of the sort.

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest

A History of South Kingstown by Charles Comstock,
1806, has been privately reprinted by William Davis
Miller, Esq.

A Letter written by Maj. John Talcott from Mr. Stan-
ton's at Quonocontaug, July 4, 1677 has been issued by
the Society of Colonial Wars in Rhode Island as a pam-
phlet of 15 pages, including two maps by Norman M.
Isham.

More Recollections of the Hop-pin Family collected by
Eliza Hoppin Richmond Waller, December, 1934, is a
pamphlet of 22 pages, containing an account of her family
written in 1868 by Mrs. Harriet Dunn Hoppin ("Mother

58 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Auton") and notes upon Claude Gabriel, the colored man
who became body servant to the Czar Alexander.

A sermon on the Right Rev. George Berkeley, D.D.,
Bishop of Cloyne, preached by the Rev. A. A. Luce, D.D.,
on Sept. 12, 1934, and printed in the Church of Ireland
Gazette for Sept. 28, 1934, has been presented by Mrs.
Richard Rathborne Graham.

Three early pictures of the French fleet at Newport are
reproduced in the February 1935 issue of the United
States Naval Institute Proceedings ; D'Estaing forcing the
entrance into Newport, August 8, 1778 (p. 155), The
French fleet leaving the Newport offing for Boston, August
21, 1 778 ( page 157), and Arrival of French army and
escort, 1780 (page 160).

Notes

The following persons have been elected to membership
in the Society:

Mr. Henry L. P. Beckwith Miss Adelaide Knight
Rev. Arthur H. Bradford Mrs. Philip C. Sheldon
Mr. Edgar Brunschwig Mrs. Helen C. Vose

The Rhode Island Historical Society reminds its mem-
bers and friends of its very special interest in the materials
of local history. Early pamphlets or books printed in Rhode
Island, newspapers or periodicals published in Rhode
Island, and printed or manuscript material bearing on
Rhode Island history are earnestly solicited as gifts. At the
present time the Society is particularly desirous of obtaining
the following books:

Newport Directory 1934 Providence Tax Book 1934
Pawtucket Directory 1934 Cranston Tax Book 1934
Providence Directory 1935 Warwick Tax Book 1934
Woonsocket Directory 1934 Pawtucket Tax Book 1934
Westerly Directory 1933-34

60 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Rhode Island Historical Society
Treasurer's Report

INCOME ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR 1934

Receipts

Annual Dues $2,400.00

Dividends and Interest 4,047.5 5

Rental of Rooms 100.00

State Appropriation 1,500.00

$8,047.55
Expenditures exceed income 1 82.87

$8,230.42

treasurer's report 61

Expenditures

Binding $ 116.33

Books 340.67

Electric Light and Gas 36.40

Lectures and Exhibitions 1 39.84

Expense 1 16.00

Grounds and Building 3 5 8.33

Heating * 700.00

Newspaper 19.10

Publication 5 82.36

Salaries 5,580.00

Supplies 169.61

Telephone 63.78

Water 8.00

$8,230.42

PRINCIPAL ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR 1934

Receipts

Reserve Fund $ 9.00

Revolving Publication Fund 35.71

New York Central Railroad Company, Rights Sold 1 1 1.85

$ 156.56
Balance January 1, 1934 2,496.69

$2,653.25

Payments

Reserve Fund $ 77.99

Balance December 31, 1934 2,575.26

$2,653.25

62 KHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

STATEMENT OF CONDITION, DECEMBER 31, 1934

Assets
Grounds and Building $ 2 5,000.00

Investments:

Bonds

$4,000. Cedars Rapids Mfg. & Power Co. 1st

5s, 1953 $3,228.88

3,000. Central Mfg. District 4}£s, 1941 3,000.00

3,000. Cleveland Elec. Illuminating Co. 5s,

1939 2,565.42

4,000. Dominion of Government of Canada,

5s, 1952 4,003.91

1,000. Western Electric Co. 5s, 1944 998.17

4,000. 61 Broadwav Bldg., 1st Mtge. $y2s,

1950 4,000.00

4,000. Minnesota Power & Light Co. 1st 5s,

195 5 3,930.00

4,000. Monongahela Valley Traction Co. 1st

5s, 1942 ' 3,685.00

2,000. Ohio Power Co. 1st & Ref. 5s, 1952 1,974.00

2,000. Narragansett Electric Co. 1st 5s, 1957 1,980.00
2,000. Shell Union Oil Corporation 5s, 1947 1,979.00

2,000. Koppers Gas & Coke Co. 5s, 1947 1,962.00

1,000. Indianapolis Power & Light Co. 1st 5s,

1957 994.50

1,000. Texas Power & Light Co. 1st Ref. 5s,

1956 1,021.25

1,000. Pennsylvania Railroad Co. Deb. 4J^s,

1970 922.50

1,000. Pennsvlvania Water & Power Co. 1st

5s, 1940 1,00 5.42

treasurer's report 63

Stocks

54shs. New York Central Railroad Co $3,654.62

125 shs. Pennsylvania Railroad Co 7,638.35

30 shs. Lehigh Valley Railroad Co. 2,1 12.50

7 shs. Lehigh Valley Coal Corp'n., Pfd 23 5.39

40 shs. Milwaukee Electric Railway & Light

Co- pfd v 3,900.00

64 shs. American Telephone & Telegraph Co. 5,960.05

350 shs. Providence Gas Co. 5,755.68

15 shs. Providence National Bank )

30 shs. Merchants' National Bank Bldg.} 1»800-00

45 shs. Blackstone Canal National Bank 1,050.00

52 shs. Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Rwv.

Co., Common "... 6,247.85

20 shs. American Power & Light Co 1,696.50

30 shs. Standard Gas & Electric Co. 4% Pfd. 1,906.50
35 shs. Public Service Corp'n. of N. J. 5%

Pfd 3,327.63

10 shs. Public Service Corp'n. of N. J. 5%

Pfd 990.00

1 0 shs. Electric Bond & Share Co. 5% Pfd. 922.00

„ . . J 84,447.62

Cash on hand — $1,484.81 Inc.

2,575.26 Princ 4,060.07

$113,507.69

Liabilities

Equipment Fund $ 25,000.00

Permanent Endowment Fund:

Samuel M. Noyes $ 1 2,000.00

Henry J. Steere 10,000.00

James H. Bugbee 6,000.00

Charles H. Smith 5 000.00

William H. Potter 3^000.00

Charles W. Parsons 4,000.00

Esek A. Jillson 2,000.00

John Wilson Smith 1,000.00

64 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

William G. Weld $1,000.00

Charles C. Hoskins 1,000.00

Charles H. Atwood 1,000.00

Edwin P. Anthony 4,000.00

John F. Street ' 1,000.00

George L. Shepley 5,000.00

Franklin Lvceum Memorial 734.52

Publication Fund:

Robert P. Brown $ 2,000.00

Ira P. Peck 1 ,000.00

William Gammell 1,000.00

Albert f. Jones 1 ,000.00

William Ely 1 ,000.00

Julia Bullock 500.00

Charles H. Smith 1 00.00

$56,734.52

6,600.00

Life Membership 5,600.00

Book Fund 3,012.41

Reserve Fund 974.13

Revolving Publication Fund 200.95

Surplus 13,900.87

Surplus Income Account 1 ,484.8 1

$1 13,507.69

Providence, R. I., January 8th, 193 5.

Respectfully submitted,

G. A. Harrington,

Treasurer

We have examined the securities belonging to the Society and find
them in agreement with the list herewith.

William Davis Miller
John H. Wells

Form of Lkgacy

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island
Historical Society the sum of
dollars."

Koger Williams Press r\Jli^

A. Jill I X SUN C u.

im;o\ mi \< I

Rhode Island

Historical Society

Collections

Vol. XXVIII

JULY, 1935

No. 3

'■j r~-

Cfns Ctcket entitles tlje ftof*

^'"^ feflor to fuch Prize as may be drawn againft its
J^-rNiitnber, agreeable to an Act of the Legiflature,
^ffr^s paiTed at January Seffion, 1795 ; fubject to a De-
i f£j jdudion of Twelve and an Baij per Cent.

ife I D , d^J*tJ^*\ -0 ''■■■£ t*U*

A RHODE ISLAND LOTTERY TICKET OF 1795

Issued Quarterly

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island

CONTENTS

PAGE

A Rhode Island Lottery Ticket of 1 795 . . Cover

The Roger Williams Seals in the Egerton Manuscripts

by James E. Ernst . . . . . 65

Proposed Iron Works at Providence

by Howard M. Chapin .... 67

Ships' Protests, 1645-1696 .... 70

Plat of Stanton Purchase 80-81

Notes 82

The Old Hoyle Tavern (concluded)

by Horace G. Belcher ..... 83

RHODE ((ijffflk ISLAND
HISTORICAL llOOl/f SOCIETY

COLLECTIONS

Vol. XXVIII JULY, 1935 No. 3

H. Anthony Dyer, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.

The Roger Williams Seals in the
Egerton Manuscripts

By James E. Ernst

Two manuscript letters written by Roger Williams to
Lady Joan Barrington, of Hatfield Priory, Co. Essex, are
now in the British Museum, in the Egerton MSS Coll.
2643, ff 3-6. Each of these two letters is sealed with a
different seal. The seals used by Mr. Williams on these
letters differ from the armorial seal used by him in 1637-
1638 on letters to Governor Winthrop, of Massachusetts
Bay.

On the letter of May 2, 1629, Egerton MSS 2643,
ff 304, Roger Williams used an armorial seal, bearing a
fleur-de-lis.

On the undated letter, which was undoubtedly written
before that of May 2, 1629, Egerton MSS 2643, ff 5-6,
Williams sealed with a seal bearing as its device a rose.

RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The armorial seal used by Williams in 1637-1638, on
letters to Governor Winthrop, has not yet been satisfac-
torily deciphered. The letters are printed in the M. H. S. C.
4, VI, 231-3} 242-4} 248-9} 252-3} 254-6} 266-7. Mr.
Howard M. Chapin has fully discussed the difficulties which

the seal presents in a recent article in the R. I. H. S. C,
Vol. XXII, No. 3, pp. 89 ff. Rider's Book Notes, No. 11,
p. 109, illustrates the seal and shows the lion rampant with
tail curled outward. Mr. Chapin gives the seal as "a lion
rampant within an orle of nine partly obliterated charges."
If as Dr. Bowditch suggests the "charges" are "pheons,"
a solution of the ancestry of Roger Williams may be hoped
for. I have recently examined the seals in the Massachusetts
Historical Society Library and find that, contrary to Mr.
Rider's statement, the tail actually turns toward the body.

PROPOSED IRON WORKS 67

Proposed Iron Works at Providence
in 1655

The earliest reference to an attempt to establish the metal
trades in Providence appears in a letter of Roger Williams
dated January 22, 1650-51 and addressed to the Inhabi-
tants of the town of Providence, in which he wrote, "I have
been sollicited and have promised my helpe about Iron
worcks, when the matter is ripe, earnestly desirous everie
way to further the good of the Towne of Providence."1

It is interesting to note that one of Roger Williams'
dreams was for Providence to develop into a manufacturing
and industrial center, a dream not destined to accomplish-
ment until a century after his death.

The chief promoter of the scheme for establishing iron
works in Providence was Mr. Joshua Foote, a citizen and
iron-monger of London, who according to Savage2 had
extensive business dealings with New England during the
years 1644 to 1652. Savage says that he came to New
England in 1653 and settled at Roxbury, soon removing to
Providence. .

He was, certainly living in England in 1644 and 1647
in each of which years he contributed £5 for the use of the
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England/
After his arrival in New England he became associated with
the manufacture of iron here and appears in 1653 and 1 654
as one of the three "commissioners and attorneys" for the
Company of the Iron Works at Hammersmith4 and Brain-
tree in New England in the lengthy lawsuits in the Essex
County courts.

In June 1651a Mr. Foote appears as surety for a defend-

^rov. Rec. XV, 40, 043.
2Also see AspinwalPs Notarial Records.

3N. E. H. & G. R. 36, p. 68 and 39, p. 1 79. E. C. Q. C. 1 , p. 40 1 .
4Hammersmith is that part of Lynn in which the iron works were
located.

68 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

ant in the Essex County Quarterly Court' and as it seems
probable this is Mr. Joshua Foote, it follows that he came
to New England in or before 1651.

In February 1654-55 Williams wrote: "Mr. Foote has
once and again moved for Iron Works at Providence. He
told me that you had speech with him about his getting iron
men to Pequot." but he thought yourself would be willing
to promote the work as well here as there, and therefore
promised me to write to you. If I had power in my hand
I would venture to such a public good, and however would
gladly contribute all assistance, especially if your loving
spirit and experience be pleased to give encouragement."'

In a postscript Williams adds: "Mr. Foot is said (at
present) to resolve for the Dutch: upon occasion of my
declaring against his man, Mr. Fowler's disorderly mar-
riage in Mr. Foot's house, without any publication, and
upon that occasion my refusing to promote the Iron Works
as yetj he is displeased, and speaks of departure. I truly
love and pity the man, yet surely from him have the Indians
been furnished with store of liquors, from his house have
the incivilities of our own town been much encouraged, and
much evil report he hath incurred about this marriage. He
saith he knew not of it 'till over night. But (although the
pretended marriage was not) it may be resolved on before
over night, yet I am sorry to hear such talk in the town of
what he knew before."8

Joshua Foote describing himself as citizen and "ire-
monger" of London now resident in Providence in New
England on October 2, 1655 made his will which he signed
with his mark in the presence of William Blackstone. He
made Lieut. Joshua Hewes and Henry Fowler executors
and trustees and left all his property to his wife and

nN.E. H.&G. R. l,p. 229.

''New London.
7N. C. VI, 284.
8N. C. VI, 286.

PROPOSED IRON WORKS 69

children." Among his creditors were Joseph Jenckes, Senior,
and Joseph Jenckes, Junior, both iron workers. The latter
was destined to start iron works at Providence as Foote had
planned to do.

Foote died in October, for on October 31, power of
administration was granted to "Lieft Joshua Hewes"
(N. E. H. & G. R. 5, p. 444). Apparently Hewes acted in
Massachusetts Bay and Fowler in Rhode Island.

On May 7, 1656 William Barrows brought suit against
Henry Fowler complaining that Mr. Foote and Mr. Fowler
had received sixteen shillings more than was due to them
upon their account. Henry Fowler asked for time to have
the books, now at Boston, examined.10 Barrows brought two
suits against Fowler at this time, apparently one against
Fowler personally and one against Fowler as "adminis-
trator" of Mr. Foote's estate.

At the -same court Samuel Bennet brought suit against
"Henry Fowler as administrator unto Mr. Foote" for
twenty-four shillings damage for a calf that was killed by
Mr. Foote's dogs.11

Such are the meagre facts in regard to Mr. Foote's pro-
ject to establish iron works at Providence. As there are no
actual references to iron works at Providence in 1655, it
has been generally supposed that Foote's project did not
materialize.

However, there are certain indications which point to the
possibility that Foote did establish iron works at Providence
between February 1655, the date of Williams' letter, and
October 1655, the date of Foote's death.

In the first place Foote did not remove from Providence
in February or March 1655 to some other place, but
remained in Providence for seven or eight months until
his death.

In 1682 William Hudson is described as "formerly an

9N. E. H. & G. R. 5, p. 444.
10Prov. Rec. I, 114 and XV, 71.
"P.R.I, 114.

70 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Apprentice of Joshua Foot," and is given leave and liberty
to buy land at Providence. At this same time Daniel Jenckes
was also given liberty to abide in Providence whereby he
may learn and perfect his trade of his brother Joseph
Jenckes. Doubtless both Hudson and Daniel Jenckes
worked in Joseph Jenckes' forge.

Why should Hudson, an iron worker, in 1682, over
twenty-five years after Foote's death, be described before
the Providence Town Council as "formerly an apprentice
of Toshua Foote," unless Foote had actually established
and operated for a while his proposed iron works at
Providence.

That Foote was engaged in some sort of business while in
Providence is shown by the suits brought in May 1656 by
Barrows. That the suits related to the operations of Foote
and Fowler and not to the operations of the Company of
the Iron Works in New England is shown by the fact that
the suits were against Foote and Fowler and not against the
commissioners and attorneys for the Iron Works Company.

Ships' Protests

For a sea-captain to appear before a notary public, and
swear out a formal protest against the sea and the wind for
damages that his ship has had the misfortune to suffer,
sounds like a ridiculous incident in a musical comedy, yet
such is actually the proper legal procedure sanctioned by
centuries of legal precedent and maritime custom. Sawyer,1
writing in 1 840, tells us that' "it is usual for shipmasters
immediately after arriving in port from a foreign voyage,
to enter a general protest, to be extended upon afterwards.
Where practical, it should be done before a notary public.
This he does, whether he is aware of having sustained any
damage from perils of the sea or not. If, afterwards, either
at that port, or at any other, he finds that the ship or cargo

Frederick W. Sawyer in The Merchants'' and Shipmasters' Guide,
Boston, 1840.

ships' protests 71

did sustain damage from such perils, while on the passage,
he may then extend upon his general protest."

The earliest ship's protest on record in Rhode Island was
noted in 1645 at a time when there was no Vice Admiralty
court in the colony. John Dolling of "Uncaway," merchant,
and part owner of the ship Virgin, then lying at anchor in
Newport harbor, drew up a protest, or "protestation" as he
called it, on January 4, 1 645, in which he noted his protest
against the sailing of the Virgin in such an "unseasonable
time." He noted this protest before Mr. Jeremy Clark, one
of the magistrates, who had the sergeant serve the document
on Thomas Newton, master of the Virgin. The copy of the
protest, with the details connected with its delivery, was
entered on the minutes of the Quarter Court held at New-
port on January 6, 1645. This protest, it will be noted,
preceded the damage that might be expected to occur, and
so differs in some respects from the customary ship's protest.

A temporary Vice Admiralty Court existed during the
Dutch War of 1653 and 1654, after which the colony was
without such a court for about forty years. The next protest,
the earliest ship's protest in typical form recorded in Rhode
Island, was noted during this period. John Herbert, com-
mander of the sloop Swan, appeared before John Cogge-
shall, and with two witnesses, Israel Spencer and John
Harcer, both mariners on the Swan, noted his protest
"against the sea, winde and bad wether for all Losses."

Curiously enough this protest was recorded in the first
volume of Land Evidences, a place where one would
scarcely look for maritime records. The explanation seems
to be that the colony owned so few record books that the
clerk entered the protest there for want of any better place
to record it. Two more protests were noted within the next
two months, all three being noted before John Coggeshall,
General Recorder of the Colony, and an Assistant.2

No more protests were recorded for over a decade, and
then on November 30, 1689 John Christopher, master of

2The members of the upper house were termed "Assistants."

72 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

the good barque Reserve of New London, appeared before
John Coggeshall, who was at this time Deputy Governor,
and noted a protest.

These few scattered protests give us an idea of the hard-
ships of the colonial mariners and of the weakness of their
vessels. They do not, however, give us any idea of the num-
ber of vessels employed in our early colonial commerce, nor
any idea as to the frequency of disasters.

It was not customary in early colonial days to enter the
"general protests," mentioned as customary in 1840, but
only to enter protests when actual damage had been done.
Even in that case, protests were not always noted, a condi-
tion that might be expected from the irregularity in mari-
time law and usage that prevailed in those days.

Ships' protests became more numerous during the reign
of King William and of Queen Anne, or at least more
records of them have come down to our time. Abstracts of
those recorded in the second volume of Rhode Island Land
Evidences are printed herewith together with the four
already mentioned.

Those of the Two Brothers (1695), the Olive Branch
(1695), and the Diamond (1696), were sworn before
Samuel Cranston as Assistant ; that of the Experiment
(1695) before Nicholas Carr, Head Warden of James-
town; those of the William (1696), and the Providence
(1697) before Walter Clarke, the Governor, and the others
from 1698 to 1704 before Samuel Cranston, the Governor.

The form of the protest is changed slightly in 1701,
thereafter the shipmaster appearing first before the notary
public and then acknowledging the protest before the
Governor. * * * *

Mr John dolling of vncaway* merchant having part of, &
goods in a shipp lately brought to Anchor in Nuport Harbor
& being unwilling that she should dept in an unseonable
time drew up a protestacon And by the Authoritie of Mr
Jeremy Clark being on of the magistrates sent the serjant

3Fairfield, Conn.

SHIPS PROTESTS 73

therwth to the master of the sd shipp, who gave affedavitt
this prsent Court of the ddrie therof into the hands of
Thomas Newton Master of the sd shipp or vessell, wch
protest the said John dolling peticoned this Court to be
entered into the Records thereof the better to give Evidence
therof to such whom afterwards it might further Concern
I John Dolling of uncaway Merchant doe by these
presents as Aturney for John Richbell Merchant, and for
myself, Protest against the setting sayle of the shipp Virgin
now at Anchor in the Road of Nuport and doe hereby
deliver that itt is by me this present day Protested wittness
my hand this 4 of Janu: Ano: 1645

pr mee John dolling
Before me Jeremy Clarke the day & yeare above written.
Supers To Thomas Newton Master of the said shipp.
(R. I.C. R., p. 33.)

Newport on Rhod-Island February 26th 1676.
... be it knowne . . . That ... did Personally apeare before
me John Coggeshall . . . John Herbert Commander of the
Sloope Swan; and did Alleage ... by the Testimonies of
these Wittnesses . . . Israeli Spencer and John Harcer, mar-
riners aboard the - sloope ... on the 13th .. . being on
A voyage . . . bound for New- York, they were by Tem-
pestuous wind and seas, and . . . Darkness of the Wether
Concurring, forced A shore upon the Sandy point of
Monnainoy ... on behalfe of himselfe and Company, and
alsoe for the owners of the - Sloope, . . . doth - Publickly . . .
Protest against the sea, winde, and bad wether, for all

Losses (R.I. L.E.I, 128.)

Newport . . . March 28th 1677.

. . . on the . . . Date hereof did . . . appear before mee . . .
John Coggeshall . . . John Goose Comander of the Ketch
Society, with his Company . . . and doth . . . enter their
Protest against the said Ketch4 for her Insufficienty to

"Ketch" is the name applied to a two masted vessel, the mainmast being
stepped about amidships, and a shorter mast being stepped near the stern,
but there is reason to believe that in the seventeenth century the term
"ketch" was applied to small vessels carrying lateen sails.

74 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

indure the sea ... in ordinary wether her seames would
open . . . and when they carryed sayle, . . . she would - take
in soe much water to Lee-ward, . . . that we were forced to
keepe the pumps goeing . . .

John Goose John Cheritrie

signed Passongers

Thomas X Banfield Ralfe Blackhall

Edward X. Barton Frances Ellis

his marke

(1,136)
Newport . . . Aprill 1 1th 1677.

... on the . . . Date hereof, did . . . Samuell Andrews,
Comander of the Ketch Providence, and did . . . Prove by
. . . these Wittnesses . . . John Weeden, John Coe, Thomas
Rapere, Marriners aboard the sayd Ketch, that . . . Samuell
Andrews being on a Voyage with the sayd Ketch, . . . bound
for New- York, they were by Tempestuous wind and Seas,
. . . and very firce Raigne Concurring, forced A shore Upon
A sandy Beach, on Rhod-Island . . . being open to the
Otion/' and very great Brakers, ... on behalfe of himselfe
and Company . . . doth . . . Protest . .

John Coggeshall, Asst
(1,137)
. . . We John Christophers Master, Jeffery Christophers
Mate &c. belonging to the good barque6 Reserve of New
London, . . . bound from Barbados to Newport . . . being at
Sea, On tuesday the Twentie Ninth Day of October Last
past, In the Latitude of Thirtie Nine Degrees and thirtie
five Minits by dead reckoning . . . Mett with a most violent
and Tempestuous storm, . . . that wee were forced to Lye
by or a Hull, wind being at South East. On Wednesday . . .
the thirtith day we were forced to Scudd with bare poles in
a most Violent and great Sea breaking over us and . . . bare-

5Ocean.

6The term "barque" in the seventeenth century referred to the size of
the vessel, rather than to the rig, and usually was applied to a small vessel
of from 30 to 1 50 tons, often rigged as a sloop.

ships' protests 75

ing away ... all hogsheads and Casque from off our deck . . .
Wee . . . do . . . Protest and exclaim against the Seas accord-
ing to Custome . . . thirtieth day of November One thousand
Six Hundred Eighty and nine . . .
. . . John Christophers John Christophers

Geffery Christophers & Jeffrey Christophers

Benjamin Waters . . . the the marke and seall of

Last day of Novemb 1689 & X

swore ... to the truth" . . . Benjamin Waters

John Coggeshall Depty Govr: (I, 1395)

John Many of the City of New Yorke in his majtty Prov-
ince of New Yorke in America marriner Sendeth Greeting
... I the Sd John Many Mas of the Sloope two Brothers
belonging to Sd New York having According to Order
navigated Said Sloope from Said New York to Surranam7
And thare took in Lading for the Sd Citty of New Yorke
Wee Sailled in Sd Sloop from Perramaryber8 in Sd Surra-
nam the Second of November 1695 & was bound directly
for Sd New York In the Lattitude of twenty Seven degrees
wee Meet with A vyolent Storme wind at west & west south
west Shifting Against to A Every point of the Compos
Raysed A greatt sea which Roked us fore And Aft Shifting
our goods in the hold In so much that wee had Like to have
bene foundred And all most without hope of Saving Sd
vessell And our Lives And doe feare that damage is done
to the goods in the hold the which Said storme held us
Neare three weeks In fifty two days from Sd port in
Surranam wee Made the Land of Marthers Vinard being
durty weather wee came to Anchor the next Morning heav-
ing up or Anchor it breake of in the Shank Near the Cross
wee Stood for the westward the wind blowing very hard &
durty weather wee Came to Anchor under nomans Land in
the Night the wind Luning wee Indevered to way in So
doeing of which our Cable broke then wee Stood Away for

7Surinam or Dutch Guiana in South America.
8 Paramaribo.

76 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Rhoad Island where wee Arrived the twenty forth Day of
this Instant without Any Anchor So that what Damage is
Done to the sd vessell And goods was through the voyalance
of the wind & sea tharefore I Doe protest Against the Same
as being the ocation thareof Christopher phogland Mate of
Sd vessell Stephen vallue Mark forentine Peter Virgroe
foremastmen Doe Mannifest And declare to the truth of
All the Above Written And Doe heare by protest with Said
master ... In testamony of which with the Sd Master &
Mate have heare unto Subscribed our Names

John Manny Mr

Christopher phogland mate

Stephen vallau

Marke fullintine
his X marke
The Above Sd John Many Mr Christopher phogland mate
Stephen vallue Marke florintine Peter virgoe foremastmen
belonging to the Sd Sloope two brothers on their Sollom
Engagment Declared the truth of what Above Written
Dated Newport on Rhoad Island Desembr: 25th 1695

Samll Cranston Ast (11,29)
. . . Wee Benjamin Brittman of Salam in the province of the
Massathusets Bay ... of New England Marriner & Master
of the Barque Ollive Branch belonging to Sd Salam And
Jeames Hardy of Sd Salam Marriner And Mate of Sd
vessell And John Tapley Boatswain of Sd vessell In behalfe
of our Selves And the Rest of the Company doth . . . declare
that being at the Island of barbados And bound with Said
vessell for Sd Salam Saylled from thence the Seventh day
of november Last past And Stod for or designed port of
Salem Afore Sd on the Second Day of this Instant being
then in the Lattitude of 34 degrees 50 minnitts Came up
A violent Storme of winde at west South west Shifting &c
which Raised A greatt Sea & the next morning betwene six
And Seven A clock on the Shift of the wind to North west
the Sea took our vessell on the Larbord Side filled our Mast
And Shifted the goods in the hold wee feare to the greatt

ships' protests 77

Damage of the Same tharefore wee as Afore Sd Doe
heareby mannifest or protest Against the Sea as being the
Ocation thareof Wittness our hands in newport . . . Afore
Sd whare wee Arived the 27th of Desembr 1695 .. .

Benja Bickman9
Jeames Hardy
JohnTapley (11,30)
... be it know . . . that on the sixteen day of desembr . . .
1695 .. . Richard Willy And Danll Hobart Comander &
Master of the Ship Experiment of Barbados Burden one
hundred And Six tunns or thare Abouts plantation Built
Came before mee Nicholas Carr hed wardding of the town
of Jeames town on the Island Connott in the Govrment of
Rhoad Island . . . And they Declared unto mee that on the
fifteenth day of this Instant they Sett Sayle from Rhoad
Island laden with horses10 provitions And Lumber bound
for Barbados And on the Same day About two or three of
the Clock After none being of of the Beaver Taile Som-
thing to the Northward which is A point of dangres Rocks
Lying Southward from Sd Island, And being pritty nigh In
with Sd Shore with the wind at north north west A Small
Gayle the Sd wind dyed Away at once And Emediately
breaced up at South East filled all their Sailes A back whare
upon they Emediately Braced their Sailes to the wind And
kept their boat A head for feare of mistaying, Stays with the
helpe of which their Said Ship Stayed & their they filled
their Sailes with their Starboard Tack on bord Still keeping
their boat Ahead Indevouring to Stand Of Shore but the
wind being So Small & the Swell of the Sea heaving Into the
Shore that notwithstanding their boat being Ahead their
Sd Ship Could not gitt Steredgeway but drove into the
Shore then they Lett Run An Anchor & hailed up their
Sailes but the water being Deepe their Anchor Came home
Although they veried out Cable with All dexterity & Expe-
dition possible but the Anchor Still Draging home their Sd

"Bickman in acknowledgment.

10Cf. note 1, page 7 of Sanford Papers, published by R. I. Hist. Society.

78 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Ship Cast in betwene two Rocks it being About halfe ebb
whare their Sd Ship Emediately grounded & About five
O clock After None their Sd Ship Bildged on the Sd Rock
And filled their Sd Ship with water which caused hir to fall
over on hir Starbord bildge which drownded All their
horses Exsept Six which Swimed on Shore Thare fore the
Sd Richard Willy & Danll Hobart Above Sd Requested
mee the fore Sd head warding of the town of Jeamestown
Afore Said to make this publique Instrument of protest . . .
Whare upon I the Said head warding . . . doe protest Against
the Shifting of the wind & Swelling of the Sea for All Costs
Losses And damages . . . Sustained by Marchts And Owners
of the Sd Ship & goods on bord of Said Ship as the Onely &
Sole Cause And Ocation thare of And not Otherwise In
testamony whare of I have heare unto Sett my hand &
affixed my Seall . . .

Swarn before mee

Nicholas Carr Warden X
Johnathan Pemberton Mate

Jacob Conklyn botsswaine Nathanll Townsend

Caleb Wheller Carpertor Ambros Langley

Thomas Wiggen frances Kittring

Thomas Rimington Samuell Broston

Samll Stevens Robart Ashford (II, 33)

. . . Wee under Written belonging to the Sloope Called the
dimond whare of Nicholas Ingolsbey is Commander now
Riding In the harbor of Newport in Rhoad Island from the
Island of Barbados which Sd Sloope was Laded in the Sd
Island of barbados . . . about the Midded of Apriell Last
past & putt in A porster Ready to Saile for the Owner
Intrest and fraiters Advantage but by the Restraint of
princes & Authority of kingly power the Sd Sloope was
Imbarqued In the Road of the Sd Island of barbados foure
Munths or more with hir lading on bord in which time wee
Judge that thare may be Considerable Damage to the

ships' protests 79

frayters in their good And for our Security from Damage
that belong to the Sd Sloope And Cargo Doe According to
Law in Such Cases provided make . . . this our Publick
protest Against the Restraint of Authority in the Sd Islands
by kingly power of Imbargue into the Publicq Records of
the Collony of Rhoad Island . . . for All Damages that wee
have Sustained ... by Reason as Afore Sd Attested under
our hands before Authority this 1 5th day of August
1696...

Nich Ingoldby Master

Robart Lad Mate

John Clarke

Henry X Halbord his marke (11,45)

These are to Certifie . . . that wee underwritten Aron Beale
Commander of the Ship the William of Boston in New
England Burthen 100 tunns or thare Abouts Richard
Jeames Mate And Zachariah Hill Boatswains of Sd Ship
doe heareby Declare that being on our present voyage from
the Island of Jemeco11 in the Sd Ship William bound to the
port of boston Afore Sd & being in the Lattitude of
1 8 degrees or thare Abouts wee Sprung A leake which Con-
tinued tollerable untill Arriving in the Latitude of 38 or 39
Degrees our Sd Leake so Increased by Reason of Stress of
weather that at Length it proved in Supportable & perrilous
& tharefore for preservation of Lives Ship and goods wee
ware constrained to put into this port of Newport on the
Eight Instant to the truth whare of wee have heare unto
Sett or hands this ninth day of August 1 696

Aron Beale
Richard Jeames
Zachariah Hill
Sollomly Deposed before the Honerd Govr of Rhoad
Island12 Walter Clarke (II, 55)

^Jamaica.

12Danll Vernon and John Mumford signed as witnesses. The witnesses
were not on the voyage, but were residents of Newport.

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VEYOR, AND THE DATE 173 5 IS PASTED
AST LINE OF WRITING

o the Society by Miss M. Lizzie Kenyon

82 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Notes

An illustrated article on Old Newport Houses by
William K. Covell appeared in Old Time New England
for April 1935.

The Bulletin of the Rhode Island School of Design for
April 1 93 5 contains an illustrated article on Samuel Vernon,
Newport silversmith, by Dorothy N. Casey.

The Harris Smith Records, a series of almanacs annotated
with vital records, has recently been presented to the Society
by Albert B. Coulters. These records, largely relating
to Washington and Kent Counties, have been arranged
alphabetically and typewritten for the convenience of
genealogists.

The following persons have been elected to member-
ship in the Society:

Miss Susan S. Brayton Mr. Tracy W. McGregor

THE OLD HOYLE TAVERN 83

The Old Hoyle Tavern

By Horace G. Belcher

(Continued from April issue)

It was a gala day for the opening of the old tavern under
its new owner. William Greene of Warwick was then Gov-
ernor; Jabez Bowen of Providence was Lieutenant Gov-
ernor; Henry Ward of Newport, Secretary of State; Wil-
liam Channing of Newport, Attorney General; Joseph
Clarke of Newport was General Treasurer. The Census of
1782 had shown a population of 4,306 persons for Prov-
idence, including 1913 white males, 943 of them under the
age of 16; 2102 white females, 903 under 16 years; 6
Indians, 22 mulattoes, 252 blacks.

Col. Joseph Hoyle is described in the deed as "yoeman"
the common term for one not a man of property and con-
clusive proof that he was not then an innkeeper. He came
to the tavern with the tradition of two generations of inn-
keepers behind him — his grandfather, Dr. John Hoyle and
his father, James who in Dr. Hoyle's will had been di-
rected to "assist his mother in her business, her paying him
for it," after the death of Dr. Hoyle. He must have been
a man of unusual parts, to have left such an indelible im-
press of his personality and popularity on the tavern in the
13 years he remained its landlord, that succeeding land-
lords retained his name on its sign to the end, nearly a
century later. They might and many of them did, put
their own name on the sign, but always it was subordinated
to the old name, the Hoyle Tavern or later, the Hoyle
Hotel.

Col. Joseph Hoyle, son of James and grandson of John,
was born in Providence in 1741. He married Sarah Field
of Providence, October 26, 1774, the minister being Rev.
Joseph Snow of the Beneficent Congregational Church, the

84 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

old "Round Top." He had been landlord of the Hoyle
Tavern more than a year when on July 8, 1 784, he married
Patience Rogers, then the widow Manchester, the ceremony
being performed in North Providence by Hope Angell,
justice of the peace.

This marriage was recorded 1 5 years later in 1 799 after
Col. Hoyle had given up the tavern. The marriage record
as made by George Tillinghast, Town Clerk, included a
list of the children of that marriage, with dates of birth
of each one. The time and manner of the record makes it
appear a measure to establish legal rights of the wife and
children in his estate. Hoyle retired at 56 and was 59 when
he died.

Col. Hoyle made the Hoyle Tavern the leading one on
the west side of the town where taverns were numerous,
especially on the road which now is Westminster Street,
and one of the best known and most popular houses in the
colony. He retired in February, 1796, after 13 years as its
host, and was succeeded by Jeremiah Fenner.

Hoyle died insolvent, four years later, in 1800. His
widow sold her rights and dower in the property May 22,
1 80 1 , to Mary Arnold, daughter of Welcome Arnold, who
later married Tristam Burgess, a well known lawyer of
Providence and Representative in Congress from 1825 to
1835. The property remained in the Burgess family until
the Citizens Savings Bank bought it for $75,000, June 30,
1919.

Jeremiah Fenner rented the inn from Joseph Hoyle, in
February, 1796 and left in the latter part of 1797. There
is no record of any other innholder here for the next six
years until Col. Cyrus Spaulding took it over in April, 1 803
from the new owners. He had previously kept a tavern
at the head of Long Wharf, at the foot of the present
Dorrance Street.

Col. Spaulding stayed but a year at the Hoyle, removing
in 1804 to the house of Joseph Sabin at the sign of the

THE OLD HOYLE TAVERN 85

Golden Ball, two doors West of the Great Bridge. The
Golden Ball seems to have been a popular name for Prov-
idence taverns, for there have been three here, as well as
others just outside the town.

From 1 804- to 1807 the Hoyle was run by Joseph Angell.
He left in 1807 and the tavern was again advertised for
rent. It stood empty five years this time, for it was not
until 1812 during our second war with Great Britain, that
Joseph Witter became *its landlord. He stayed six years,
leaving in 1 8 1 8 to open a house over the corner of Wey-
bosset and High Streets.

The Hoyle Tavern was advertised a number of times
between 1816 and 1820, even during Witter 's tenancy,
until Caleb Allen became its landlord in 1 820. He stayed a
year and was followed in 1821 by Preston H. Hodges, a
well known innkeeper who kept it until 1827, when he left
to carry on the Franklin House on Market Square, 1827 to
1 832, with his son. Seth Baker succeeded him at the Hoyle
in 1828 and kept it for three years, removing April 15,
1 83 1, to a tavern on the opposite side of High Street.

After that, landlords changed often. John Burton kept
there from 1831 to 1834; William Capron 1834 and per-
haps 1835; Owen Burlingame, who came from Scituate,
1835 to 1837. Burlingame's license was dated April 6,
1835.

Somewhere about this time a third story was added to
the tavern, which originally was of two stories. Much later
in the century an ell was built on, with a barroom on the
lower floor. This addition, made about the Centennial year,
1876, increased its capacity to 45 rooms, 12 of them being
in the ell. This new ell was in odd contrast to the old house,
for the lines of the original structure were wavy and any-
thing but straight, while the newer part was angular and
square with modern windows and doors.

From the front the structure appeared but two stories
high to the casual glance, for a long porch with six white
pillars extended along the front of the second story,

86 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

reached from the open square in front by two broad nights
of steps at each end and in the centre. A short distance
in front of this was a long hitching rail for horses. In later
years a large horse watering trough was located in front.
A circular stone trough still stands there.

"The main stairway is quite as queer in its formation
as the building itself," says an old description of the Hoyle
as it was in 1888.*'' "The balustrade, or banisters as it was
then, is of the slight, ugly style, the stairs narrow and of
low tread and great care has to be exercised in going up
alone, for fear of hitting one's head on some of the sup-
posed artistic projections or ornaments.

"As one looked at it, the question naturally comes up as to
how many thousands have climbed those stairs, how many
joyous supper parties have passed up and down, how many
honest farmers have rested there after a day of busy barter
and trade in the city and how many who, in the barroom
below have drank not wisely but too well, have been aided
up the steep way by the attendants of the house.

"Looking from the front of the stairway toward the rear
of the building, the main hall or corridor is an odd-looking
passage with innumerable jogs and projections, each room
that opens on it having a corner sticking out, handy to fall
against in the night and equally hazardous for anyone to
pilot by in the daytime, unless in full control of his powers.

"Apparently this floor was not planned at all, but the
rooms were simply thrown at the building and stuck.

"Ascending the main stairway, a narrow corridor runs
back to the annex and looking down it, the utter impossi-
bility of taking a big trunk through it at once apparent,
while even a bridal couple, closely as they walk together,
would have to proceed in single hie.

"Leading from this to the floor above, is a curiously
built winding stairway that would make an excellent study
for an artist. It is even worse to climb than the lower stair-
way, being only half as wide and twice as steep.

20 Providence Sunday Journal, January 29, 1888.

THE OLD HOYLE TAVERN 87

"The windows in the room and halls are antique in the
extreme, the panes of glass being small and more or less
dirty, while they are set in heavy wood and look from the
outside almost like windows in a prison. Many of them are
the ones originally put in, but some are of modern size and
style and look much out of place among their ancient
fellows."

The procession of innkeepers continued, with frequent
changes. The old tavern had much competition and its
days of long tenancy ended with the death of Martha
Brown, in 1778. John A. Foster took it over in 1838 and
left it three years later, in 1841, to open a grocery store.

About this time the old Hoyle began to be known as the
Hoyle Hotel instead of as the Hoyle Tavern. Christopher
Johnson, who had managed the Angell House, the Frank-
lin House and later the Washington Hotel, and perhaps
the old Baker Tavern on High Street, was its landlord
from 1841 to 1843.

It was on the last day of December, 1843, that Amasa
Sprague, of the great cotton manufacturing family whose
failure three decades later was a world event in that indus-
try, was murdered — a crime which brought about the abol-
ishment of capital punishment in Rhode Island.

"One of the legends of the Hoyle," says the old account
previously quoted,30 "is that Nick Gordon, instigator of the
murder of Amasa Sprague the elder, came to the tavern on
the night of the murder and bought drinks for the crowd
several times, and kept talking about what time it was and
how long he had been there, thus laying a foundation for
an alibi in case he was suspected of the murder."

Charles Richards had the place from 1844 to 1847, fol-
lowed by Lynson Barney, 1847 to 1848. Barney came to
the Hoyle from the High Street Hotel, which he kept
from 1844 to 1846. Later he removed to Newport and
became proprietor of the United States Hotel. Samuel B.

30 Ibid.

88 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Parker followed, 1848 to 1852; John Colwell, 1853 to
1 855 or '56; and then came Sidney S. Paul, one of the most
colorful personalities ever connected with a Rhode Island
hotel.

Sidney Paul prided himself on good ale and always had
half a dozen barrels on tap at the Hoyle. He used to say
he could feed 100 persons, day or night, on good roast
beef and other things, and on occasion he maintained this
reputation. He also kept the Roger Williams Hotel, which
stood next to the Providence Washington building where
North Main Street runs into Market Square, and subse-
quently kept the Earle House at the corner of North Main
and Steeple Streets.

After leaving the Hoyle in 1 859, he opened a road house
on the Apponaug road just East of the present Warwick
Avenue in what now is Lakewood, which for many years
after he passed on, was still called the Sidney Paul place.

John Boyden, who bought him out at the Hoyle in 1 859,
later opened the first shore resort on the East side of the
Providence River, about where the Wilkesbarre coal pier
was later located. His name was given to Boyden Heights,
a well known clam dinner resort in East Providence near
Riverside. Boyden died in 1864 and his widow, Jane Boy-
den, carried on at the Hoyle until 1867 — the second woman
to take charge of the old hostelry.

The line of landlords continued with Jenckes Harris,
1868-1869; he was followed by Orren Harris (Agent),
1870. Harris was noted for his hot whiskey punches. Then
came Amos Wells, 1871 to 1874; Benjamin S. Wilbur,
1875-1876; Orrin Harris again, 1877-1878; Thomas
Ladd, 1879-1882; Thomas Hartshorn, 1883. The line
of landlords ended with William W. Cameron, 1884-1887.
Cameron, whose name is on the sign shown in the last
photograph of the tavern doing business, removed from
the city in 1887. The Providence Directory does not list
any proprietor after 1886, the year Providence celebrated
the 250th anniversary of the founding of the city.

THE OLD HOYLE TAVERN 89

The old house had 29 landlords between 1739-40 and
1886. Of these 29 innholders, two were women, their
tenancy being 1 1 1 years apart. One of these women, Martha
Brown, widow of the founder of the tavern, had the longest
tenancy of any — a full quarter-century.

The old house had successively been a stage coach and
farmer's inn; a popular house to which the young bloods
of the town resorted; a farmer's hotel ; and a neighborhood
barroom. Always it retained its popularity with horsemen
and back country farmers. It fell in repute in its later
days and it ended as a lodging house for families, with
rooms let to lodgers who took their meals elsewhere.

Some of the best known hotel keepers of the town and
city had it for longer or shorter periods, with varying for-
tunes. One of its proprietors hanged himself in the little
entry leading from his private sitting room to his bedroom.
Always it remained the Hoyle — a landmark, the best
known place on the East side of Providence.

For many years a pair of large scales stood in front of
the Hoyle, where hay and other bulky commodities were
weighed. These scales were provided with big weights
which Ben Olney, the noted weight master, threw around
as if they were specially made for him. He would announce
the weight with as much care as if weighing diamonds.

"But to see Ben in his glory, was to see him when a big
load of wood was to be measured," says an old account.31
"Then, indeed, he owned the place. All measuring was
done with a yard stick and the care that Ben took with a
fraction of an inch, was a wonder to the small boys and a
delight to his friends.

"For many years the farmers used to tie up in front and
around the Hoyle and barter their produce for what they
needed and this made the junction a most lively place.
Inside the hotel, faro bank was often dealt and it was an
easy matter to start a poker game at any time.

"One day a farmer drove up with a load of cherries and
31 Ibid.

90 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

left them guarded by a savage looking dog. Alf Barton,
one of the characters of old Christian Hill, was there
and remonstrated with the farmer for leaving them with
only the dog to guard them — but the farmer allowed the
dog was enough and said anyone who could drive him away
could have the cherries.

"That was enough for Alf and before the farmer had
gone any distance, by the aid of a squirt gun and some hot
water, he had routed the dog and divided the cherries
among those near by."

For many years a large tree stood on the High Street
side of the hotel. In this one of the proprietors built a
platform 20 feet above ground, railed off for security and
on the platform placed tables and chairs. In summer this
made a cool and airy place for service from the bar.

"From its start until within a few years, it was a hostelry,
open 24 hours daily. Now it is used as a lodging house for
families and rooms are let to boarders who take their meals
elsewhere," says an old newspaper description of the place
in its last days.3"

"The famous old kitchen is deserted and silent, no juicy
steaks are cooked there, no steaming coffee emerges from
its portals and the famous dishes of ham and eggs and won-
derful boiled dinners that used to be served there, are no
more known.

"With the increase of population and the growth of
building on the West Side, the functions ceased and grad-
ually but surely it settled into a relic of the past and 'The
Hoyle' sank to the level of an ordinary building, only
known by the fact that it stood at the junction of High
and Cranston Streets.

"Probably no tavern of olden times or hotel of later
years has so many stories connected with it. The Hoyle
was once the leading road house of the town. East Side
bloods used to drive out to it, for there were few buildings

32 Ibid.

THE HOYLE TAVERN ABOUT 1887

Part of the tavern's stable can be seen at the left.
From fhotografh owned by Horace G. Belcher

92 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

on the hill and it was considered quite a distance from the
centre of the city. There was no bridge across the now
Providence River and to reach the Hoyle required quite
a drive out toward Pawtucket."

This newspaper account lists some of the proprietors of
the old Hoyle, including several whose names do not
appear in the list of annual license holders. Among them
was Walt Proctor, of whom the reporter said: "Walt Proc-
tor is best known to this generation, for he and his heirs
have owned it for 16 or 18 years and still hold it. His
noted motto of 'Live and Let Live' is known everywhere.
He died at the Hoyle."

There is no record of any license issued for the Hoyle
in the name of W7alter Russell Proctor, although he died
there September 29, 1 883, his home being then at 42 Wil-
low Street. He certainly had the leasehold of the place at
the time of his death, for an account in the Providence
Journal October 1, 1883 — a few days after his death — of a
row at the Hoyle, said the property was in control of Walter
Proctor. He probably held license through a dummy or his
bartender, as was often done where a license could not be
obtained direct.

The old tavern building, with its additions, its barn
and other buildings erected on the original land, stood
until 1 890 when it was sold at auction June 1 8. The Hoyle
Tavern itself brought $16, a condition of sale being its
removal within 30 days. The addition to the older struc-
ture sold for $98 and seven other buildings including
barns, on the property brought the total up to $1156.
The big stable was on the Cranston Street side, in the rear
of the main building, which faced the point of the junction.

The old tavern was replaced by a store and office build-
ing of two stories on the Westminster and Cranston Street
sides, with a front section facing the square, of three
stories. This structure was vacated March 1, 1920 fol-
lowing purchase of the property by the Citizens Savings
Bank and was removed to make way for the present home

THE OLD HOYLE TAVERN 93

of the bank, opened July 1, 1921, just six months more
than half a century after the bank was established as a
Christian Hill institution.

The estate had remained in possession of the Burgess
family and descendants from 1 801 until 1 893 when it was
conveyed to the Burges Land Company, Casimir DeR.
Moore, President ; Alfred H. Cumbers, Treasurer by Cas-
imir DeR. Moore and Harriet F. Moore, his wife, both
of New York City; Charles E. Souther and Mary Burges
Souther, his wife, both of Orange, New Jersey, the date
being February 18. It was described as numbers 5-43
Cranston and 878-900 Westminster Street.

The Citizens Savings Bank bought from the Burges
Land Company, June 30, 1919, paying $75,000 for the
property which when sold at auction June 5, 1889 by
George H. Burnham, Commissioner in the case of Casimir
DeR. Moore of New York vs. Andrew S. Thorp for parti-
tion of estate, had been passed for a bid of $41,100 for "all
that certain lot of land with the buildings thereon and
appurtenances thereto, situated at the junction of High
and Cranston Streets . . . known as the Hoyle Tavern
estate . . . about 28,137 square feet of land."

JOSEPH HOYLE S MARRIAGES

Joseph Hoyle was 33 when he married Sarah Field,
daughter of Joseph Field, October 26, 1 774, in Providence.
The marriage was performed by Rev. Joseph Snow, who
recorded it in the ledger account he kept of the many mar-
riages he performed as minister of the Beneficent Congre-
gational Church.

The record, as transcribed in Book 5, page 482, of the
Record of Marriage and Births, office of the City Registrar,
Providence, reads: "Joseph Hoyle of Providence, son of
James, Sarah Field of Providence, daughter of Joseph,
October 26, 1774."

94 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

There is no record of the death of Sarah Hoyle, but on
page 128, Book 2, of Record of Marriages and Births in
the City Registrar's office, Providence, is a photostatic
copy of the page in the original record hook, with the entry
of his second marriage.

The date was July 8, 1 784, but the record was not made
until March 30, 1 799, when it was entered with a list of the
children born to the couple from that marriage. The bride
was Patience Rogers, then the widow Manchester. The
record reads:

"I hereby certify that Mr. Joseph Hoyle, son of Mr.
James Hoyle, deceased, and Miss Patience Manchester,
widow of ( line drawn here in original record ) Man-
chester, deceased, were lawfully joined together in Mar-
riage in North Providence the eighth day of July, anno
Domine 1784. By me, the subscriber, Hope Angell, Justice
of Peace. Witness George Tillinghast, Town Clerk. March
30, 1799.

"Their children, born in Providence, are as follows, to
wit:

Elizabeth Stuart Hoyle, Born August 15,1785
Joseph Hoyle, Jr., Born December 7, 1 786
James Rogers Hoyle, Born February 27, 1788
Henry Ward Hoyle, Born February 5, 1790
Susannah Hoyle, Born November 20, 1791
John Singer Dexter Hoyle, Born April 3, 1798"
While the record of the marriage gives the name of the

bride as Patience Manchester, widow of Manchester,

deceased, the index to this volume in the same handwriting
as the entries in the volume, reads:

"Hoyle, Joseph and Patience Rogers, their Marriage
and children's Births 128."

Evidently the Town Clerk had known the bride before
her first marriage. Joseph Hoyle at the time of this mar-
riage was 43 years old. He was 58 when his last child was
born two years after he retired from the Hoyle Tavern
and two years before he died insolvent.

THE OLD HOYLE TAVERN 95

JOHN HOYLE S WILL

John Hoyle's death was recorded in the Register of
King's Church, now St. John's Church, North Main Street,
in Providence. The record, transcribed in Book 5, page 164
of the Register of Births, Deaths and Marriages, City
Registrar's office, Providence, reads: "John Hoyle buried
February 11, 1766." *

In his will, "John Hoyle of Cranston in the County of
Providence" left all lands and buildings in Cranston to
his wife, Hannah.

His son, James Hoyle, father of Joseph, received all
lands in Cranston after decease of "his mother in law,
Hannah Hoyle, deceased." The will continues with the
injunction that James "is to assist his mother in her bus-
iness, her paying him for it."

The "toomb yard at the North corner of my land fenced
in with a prim hedge" is excepted, the document continuing
"and my will is that the aforesaid burying place shall be
keepst for a borying place for my three children namely,
John Hoyle, James Hoyle, Elisabeth Mounting formerly
Elisabeth Short all to have the privilege and liberty to
bury their dead if need require and my son Richard's chil-
dren the same privilege and so to their posterity hereafter."

He left 1 5 pounds to "the town of Cranston treasury"
to maintain the graveyard.

To his son John was left "the East end of my house in
Providence where he now lives, that is to say wright up
and down from the yard to the top of the chimne between
the two ends of said house and the land under the said
end of said house."

The West end of the house was left to his grandson
Richard Hoyle, with "1-2 the barn."

His silver mounted "sword and cain" was left to his son
James "and my string of gold beeds and locket to my

96 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

daughter Elisabeth and all my wearing apparel to be di-
vided between my two sons John and James Hoyle."

Following the disposal of his clothing came this clause:

"And further my will is that children should be loving
each other and to their mother and she the same to them and
I would pray that they would think that their poor Mother
and Father had no Body to give any thing to them and
that I have labored hard to get a few pence for them and
hope God will bless them with the same."

The inventory, showing 2887 pounds 10 shillings old
tenor, was made by Richard Waterman, Thomas Westcott,
Alexander Frazier.

In Book W-5, Page 41 1, Providence Probate Records.

The inscriptions on the Hoyle gravestones were printed
in The Rhode Island Historical Society Collections , vol.
XXV, p. 1 1 2 and an illustration of the coat of arms in vol.
XXI, p. 73.

Form ok Legacy

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island

Historical Society the sum of

dollars. "

Rogi r Williams Press ^U^

E. A. Johnson Co.

IMUIVIDl N( 1

Rhode Island

Historical Society

Collections

Vol. XXVIII OCTOBER, 1935

No. 4

THE SEAT OF PORTSMOUTH, R. I. OF 1 807.

(recently discovered)

Issued Quarterly

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island

CONTENTS

PAGE

Seal of Portsmouth Cover

Narragansett Bay and Dee River, 1583

bv Fulmer Mood . . . . . 97

The Stanton Purchase

by Susan Stanton Brayton . . . . 101

Ships' Protests, 1697-1700 .... 110

The date of Roger Williams' birth . . . 112

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . . 115

Notes 116

Chief Big Thunder

by Edmund B. Delabarre . . . . 116

RHODE
HISTORICAL

ISLAND

SOCIETY

COLLECTIONS

Vol. XXVIII OCTOBER, 1935

No. 4

H. Anthony Dyer, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.

Narragansett Bay and Dee River, 1583

By Fulmer Mood

In a recent publication the statement has been made that
Sir Humphrey Gilbert's projected colony of Norumbega
was to be established on the shores of Narragansett bay. An
official document of 1583 is produced, evidencing, it is
asserted, that the Elizabethan designation for Narragansett
bay was "Dee river." According to the same source, there is
to be found along the coast to the westward of Dee river
"the ryver of Norumbeage."1 To test these geographical
assertions is the aim of this note.

The technical adviser on whom Gilbert was at this time
leaning heavily was John Dee, a Welsh polymath the pro-
fundity of whose learning easily merits that doctorate which

1William B. Goodwin, "The Dee River of 1583 (Now called Narra-
gansett Bay) and Its Relation to Norumbega," in Rhode Island His-
torical Society Collections (Providence, 1934), XXVII (No. 2),
pp. 38-50.

98 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

hasty writers too frequently bestow upon one whom con-
temporaries greeted as "Master.""

The document of 1583 already mentioned — it is a deed
from Gilbert to Sir George Peckham — informs us that the
port is called Dee river by Dee himself. That is to say,
he was responsible for so naming it. Reading further in the
document, we learn more of this river or harbor to which it
had pleased the scholar to affix his name: "Dee Ryver which
Ryver by the discripcion of John Verarzanus a Florentyne
lyeth in Septontrionall latitude about fortye twoo degrees
and has his mouth lyinge open to the South halfe a league
brode or there aboute and enteringe Within the saide Baye
betweene the Easte and the Northe encreaseth his breadith
and contynueth twelve leagues or there abouts and then
maketh a gulfe of twentie leagues compasse or thereabouts
and conteyneth in it selfe five small Islandes newlie named
the Cinque Isles."3

This description is sufficiently detailed to give rise to a
natural inference in the mind of modern students that
Gilbert, when he made the grant, and when he so described
a portion of the territory he was conveying, based his action
upon a map then in his possession. Certainly one can hardly
escape the feeling that Gilbert had ready at hand some aid
from which he took the particulars concerning the five isles
and the run of the shore line, all the descriptions of which
he incorporated into his legal instrument. It is a natural
inference, to repeat, that the hypothetical source for this is
a map. But no time need be lost searching for cartographical
evidence bearing on the point, because there is waiting to be
brought into the discussion a document which without ques-
tion is Gilbert's source.

Speaking of an American region on the coast in about

-The role of John Dec, a neglected factor in the history of English
expansion in late Tudor times, has lately been clarified by E. G. R. Taylor
in Tudor Geografhy, 1485-1 583 (London, 1930). Prof. Taylor devotes
three chapters to Dee's work.

3Goodwin, of. cit.y p. 43.

NARRAGANSETT BAY AND DEE RIVER, 1583 99

41 ° 30' north latitude a chronicler writes: "[This country]
lyeth East and West, I say that the mouth of the hauen
lyeth open to the South halfe a league broade, and being
entred within it between the East and the North, it stretch-
eth twelue leagues: where it waxeth broder and broder, and
maketh a gulfe about 20. leagues in compasse, wherein are
fiue small Islandes very fruitfull and pleasant, full of hie
and broade trees, among the which Ilandes, any great
Nauie may ryde safe without any feare of tempest or other
daunger."4 These words were written by the author of
Verrazano's narrative (who may have been Verrazano him-
self) and they were in print in English as early as the
summer of 1582. The younger Hakluyt had translated
Verrazano's narrative and published it in his little book,
Divers Voyages, a work which was in large part designed as
a handbook for the Gilbert venture in colonization. To
apply the" method of textual comparisons is to certify that
the excerpt just given is the source of the description incor-
porated in the grant to Peckham.

The recognition of this circumstance alters the approach
to the solution of the problem concerning the location of
Dee's river. If Gilbert had Verrazano's account in his hand,
and incorporated that navigator's description of a bay on
the Atlantic coast, then the identification of that bay depends
upon a scrutiny of Verrazano's narrative. But the identifica-
tion must be made in accord with certain facts supplied by
the grant to Peckham. The most pertinent of these is the
information that the river of Norumbega lies to the west-
ward of the Dee river or port.

It is true that Verrazano's narrative describes a large
river which lies to the west of his harbor already mentioned.
But this river of Verrazano's — in which it is easy to see the

4R. Hakluyt, Divers Voyages (London, 1582), sig. B4 verso — sig. B5
recto. The general term by which Hakluyt describes this part of the
coast is "Morum bega." He writes it as two words. He informs the
reader, in a marginal note at the top of sig. B, recto, of "The Country of
Sir H. G. voyage." Verrazano's letter is reprinted in Chapin's Docu-
mentary History of Rhode Island (Providence, 1919), Vol. 2, Chapter I.

100 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Hudson — bears no name. Gilbert obviously did not derive
the name of the river of Norumbega from that source. He
must have derived this term, too, from some readily avail-
able authority. Why not from his technical adviser?
Master John Dee at this time had in his possession a map
of North America, and prominently displayed on this map
in the central sector of the Atlantic coast is the term
"Norumbega."" The country of Norumbega, as this map
plainly shows, is traversed through the middle by a large
river which rises far in the interior. This stream can hardly
be anything other than the "river of Norumbega." It may
with confidence be taken to be the Hudson. Concerning the
several openings and indentations on the coast to the east-
ward of this river's mouth, no statement need be hazarded
except that the shore line which it is intended to represent
is undoubtedly the littoral of southern New England.

If then the river of Norumbega as shown on Dee's map
and the large river visited by Verrazano just before reach-
ing Narragansett bay are to be understood as one and the
same river, and if this may be taken as the Hudson, a vital
condition for the identification of Dee's river is satisfied.
The legal instrument informs us that west of the harbor of
Dee is the river of Norumbega. And Narragansett Bay is
certainly in a proper relation to the Hudson, by this
construction.

As the present writer reads Verrazano's narrative, he is
satisfied that the bay with the five isles in it corresponds to
Narragansett bay, and that the river of Norumbega which
lies to the west of it is the Hudson.

"British Museum, Manuscript Room: Cottonian MS, Aug. I, i, art. 1.
There is a description of this map in A Catalogue of the Manuscripts,
Maps, Charts, and Plans ... in the British Museum (London, 1844),
I, p. 30. The map has been reproduced, with some loss of its original
sharpness of definition, in Hakluyt, Principal Navigations (Glasgow,
1904), VIII, facing p. 486.

THE STANTON PURCHASE 101

The Stanton Purchase

By Susan Stanton Brayton*

On August 22, 1662, the Indian Sachem Wannumachon
deeded to Robert Stanton and George Gardiner a tract of
land five miles long by one and a half miles wide, between
the rivers Westototucket and Ashuniunck, or adjoining the
Pettaquamscutt Purchase. These rivers are now called
Usquepaug and Beaver Rivers, and the land thus deeded,
the Stanton Purchase.

In recording the history of this, as of any piece of land,
one may resort to several sources for information — topo-
graphical, documentary, and traditional — supplementing
them by the recollections of the oldest inhabitant.

The road recently improved, Route R. I. 2, called the
South County Trail, affords a convenient means of explor-
ing this bit of back country, hitherto known to few. The
trail enters the Purchase where it crosses the Usquepaug
River into Richmond over a new concrete bridge. It then
traverses the Great Plain in a westerly direction j climbs a
low hill; swerves to the south; and, skirting Great Swamp,
finally reaches the Pawcatuck River at Kenyon.

The two rivers which bound the Purchase on the east and
west flow in a general southerly course. The Usquepaug is
a sluggish stream, cutting a meandering channel through
bogland, and beyond the bridge is lost in the thick growth
of Great Swamp; Beaver River on the west, no longer
frequented by the beaver builders which gave it its name,
flows more swiftly through leafy woodland and sunny

♦Authorities have been named except for statements about the Boss
Meeting House which were taken from the minutes of the Sunday School
Convention.

The author has drawn upon her memory of the locality and the story of
its history as related by her mother, also upon Miss Kenyon's reminis-
cences, and Clarke and Marchant papers.

102 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

meadows, luring fishermen by its promise of trout. It drains
the valley at the foot of Shannock and School House Hills
and, like the Usquepaug, empties into the Pawcatuck. For
further exploration one should drive along the old dirt
road branching from the trail just beyond the bridge, which
leads to the village of Usquepaug; also another old road,
forking from the trail and descending the hill into Beaver
River valley and the Shannock Purchase beyond.

As to documentary sources, one of great importance has
recently come into the possession of the Rhode Island His-
torical Society through the gift of Miss M. Lizzie Kenyon
of Richmond. This is an ancient map, or survey of the
Stanton Purchase, within the boundaries of which Miss
Kenyon has spent her life, upon land acquired by a Peterson
ancestor, her great-great-grandfather, over two hundred
years ago. By her father's purchase of the Stanton farm
adjoining, she is also the owner of land occupied for many
generations by descendants of Robert Stanton, one of the
original purchasers from the Indian Wannumachon.

The old map, drawn in ink upon thick parchment, yellow
with age, measures fifteen by twenty-four inches. It has
apparently always been tightly rolled and kept within the
iron ring encircling it when it was presented to the Society.
It is illustrated in the July 1935 issue of the Collections.
A description of the map, written beneath it, reads as
follows:

A Draught of a Neck of Land between Bever River and
Awooscopauge River Belonging to Jno Stanton & Joseph
Gardner Containing 4116 Acres More or Less besides the
200 Acres to Joseph Clark and the Undivided Medow as
twas Surveyed In March 1693-4 att their Request with
others with them, Concerned,

pre Me J^hn Smith Surveyor

Drawn by A Scale of 80 Rods to an inch p. J. S.

A True Coppey Taken of the OReginal

Drawn by John Smith Surveyor

By Me ye 5th 5mo Calle July

THE STANTON PURCHASE 103

Below this description a paper scale is attached, headed:

S Easton Surveyor 173-.

( Samuel ? 1735-? )

This map, then, drawn in 1735 exhibits the Purchase as
surveyed in 1693-4 and shows that its principal owners
were, at that time, Daniel Stanton, John Stanton, Benjamin
Green, Joseph Gardner, the Heir of Marthe Barber, Daniel
Long Bottom and Henry Tippits (?). There were also
four unassigned lots north of Benjamin Green's portion.

The Undivided Meadow and Joseph Clarke's 200 Acres
lay at the extreme south-east and south, the entire Purchase
having the Pawcatuck River as its southern boundary.

Joseph Clarke was the son of Joseph Clarke and the
nephew of Dr. John Clarke, brothers who emigrated from
England and settled in Aquidneck in 1638. They were
mentioned in the Charter of 1663 which, indeed, Dr. John
Clarke was largely instrumental in securing from His
Majesty, Charles II. The second Joseph Clarke, owner of
the 200 Acres, was the first town clerk of Westerly and held
this position from 1669 to 1700.

A curious old book is extant in which Joseph Clarke
entered the town records, attested by Joseph Pendleton,
town clerk, on April 28, 1702, as a "Vera Coppia" of the
records in the "old towne book."

As the town records filled only a portion of the thick,
parchment-covered folio, Joseph Clarke and his descend-
ants thriftily used the remaining pages for bookkeeping
and other purposes. Thus it became a chronicle not only of
the town meetings of old "Westerle" but also of the trans-
actions of the Clarke family. In this book we find, "April 9,
1 694, Voated — That whereas Joseph Clark Sen. had 2
hundered accers of land granted by the towne and it fell
within the purchase of Robert Stanton and sd Clark petioned
the towne that he might have his lot grante still according
to lot: it is granted."

Joseph Clarke did not apparently find this sufficient to
establish his right to the land in question, for on June 21,

104 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

1694, he secured by the payment of "ten pounds current
money of New England" a deed to the 200 acres. This
deed, still in existence, exhibits the stilted legal phraseology,
of the period. It states in part: "Wee the said John Stanton
& Joseph Gardiner — Doe give grant Bargaine Sell Alien
Enfeoff and Confirme unto the Said Joseph Clarke his heirs
and assigns forever the Southwestward part of a Neck of
land Scittuate lying in the Narragansett Cuntry between a
River Cald Awooscopaug River and a River Cald Bever
River the which said South west part of Said Neck Contains
two hundred Acres More or Less as is now laid out And
Diliniated on the Drauft of Said Neck And bounded South-
wardly on the great River Comonly Caled pawcatuck River,
Westwardly on said Bever River Northerly And Esterly
on Lands belonging to Said John Stanton & being part of
Said Neck, j the which Said Neck of land Was formerly
purchased of Wanamachin Sachim & owner thearof by
Robert Stanton father of Said John Stanton And George
Gardiner father of Said Joseph Gardiner."

This deed was signed and witnessed in the presence of
Benedict Arnold, and recorded June 24, 1694, in the
"towne book" by Joseph Clarke.

On January 4, 1717, Joseph Clarke executed a deed
reading, "To my son Samuel Clarke 200 acres in Westerly
bounded by the Pawcatuck, and west by Beaver River,
north and east by land formerly of John Stanton and
Joseph Gardiner, which tract has been improved upwards
of 2 1 years by my son Samuel, he being in actual possession
of same for term aforesaid"

Samuel Clarke was made justice of the peace. A leaf
attached by pins to Joseph Clarke's book contains the rec-
ords of ten marriages performed by him between Novem-
ber 1724 and October 1729. He is thought to have built
the house now standing on the estate of Mrs. Fred W.
Marvel at the foot of School House Hill, near Beaver
River.

THE STANTON PURCHASE 105

The family genealogy of this branch of the Clarke
family is as follows:

Joseph Clarke 1642-3 — 1726-7

Samuel Clarke 1672 — 1 769

Joseph Clarke 1705 —1783

I I

Samuel Clarke Died 1 792 Joshua Clarke 1 733 — 1 8 1 8

l
Samuel Clarke 1771 — 1851

Mrs. Marvel is the great-granddaughter of the last
named Samuel Clarke. He inherited the estate of his uncle,
Samuel Clarke, who died childless, and finally possessed
over 500 acres of land, the greater part lying within the
Stanton Purchase. For many years a justice of the peace,
he was generally known as Squire Clarke.

The original 200 acres of Joseph Clarke finally passed
into the hands of strangers. In 1773 on September 14,
Christopher Champlin "purchased of Joseph Clarke of
Richmond One Hundred and fifty acres of Land being a
part of said Clarke's Homestead Farm lying in said Rich-
mond" and signed an agreement stating that the said Joseph
Clarke and his family should "forever have liberty to Bury
their Dead on said Farm at the common Burying Place,
without any Molestation."

This burial place, which defines the location of the
Champlin purchase as within the 200 acres, may be seen as
one approaches the village of Kenyon from the north, on
the right hand side of the South County Trail.

In an unfenced field, under a large oak are several graves
in the neglected grass, indicated by rough blocks of field
stone. One is marked S. C. It is probably the grave of
Samuel Clarke who died in 1769. Two bear inscriptions,
which may be deciphered thus:
Joshua Clarke
Died December 27, 1818
85 yr. 7 mos

106 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Dorcas Clarke Died
Sept. 28, 1811
Age 69, 8 mos.

The fact that these two graves were thus marked may be
due to a clause in the will of Joshua Clarke, drawn in 1815.

"I order my Excutor to git two tombstones for Me and
my wife with our name and age ingraven on them."

The part of the 200 acres bordering upon the Pawcatuck
is now the site of Kenyon, which became a prosperous mill
village during the nineteenth century through the success-
ful management of Elijah Kenyon. Upon the main street
stands a beautiful colonial house, said to have been built by
members of the Clarke family in 1735.

In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries the
Marchant family acquired over 500 acres in the heart of the
Stanton Purchase, on what was known as the Great Plain.
Henry Marchant, first district judge of Rhode Island, had
in 1775 bought a farm of lS]/2 acres bordering on the
Usquepaug River in South Kingstown ; a year later, 118
acres across the river in Richmond. His son, Judge William
Marchant, inherited this land. In 1803 Joseph Durfee sold
to William Marchant for $1,600 land in Richmond pur-
chased by Durfee from Hopson Willcox, bounded easterly
by Uskapaug River, southerly and westerly by land of
Ichabod Peterson and Robert Stanton, northerly by Peter
Boss and William Marchant, a highway running through
said farm.

A map drawn of this region previous to the year 1825
shows the holdings of William Marchant, Ichabod Peter-
son, John Stanton, Perry W7atson, Peter Boss, and the
Herrington and Hoxie families, west of the river, and the
farms of Marchant, Tanner, Clarke, Willcox, and Babcock
east of the river, in South Kingstown.

The house then owned by Perry Watson still stands at
the top of the hill beyond the home of Miss Kenyon — the
old Peterson farm. It later came into the possession of
Peter Clarke, son of Peter Clarke of Shannock Hill,

THE STANTON PURCHASE 107

descendant of William Clarke, one of the original settlers
of the Shannock Purchase.

Beyond the Perry Watson house to the south stood the
Boss Meeting House. The Baptist society owning this
place of worship was organized in 1773 by nine men and
ten women, who met in private homes for several years.
Their communion set consisted of two "puter" platters and
two beaker glasses. Elder Boss preached to the little con-
gregation. In 1787, on a lot of land containing half an
acre, deeded by Perry Watson and his wife for £1 : 10, a
modest edifice 36 by 28 feet, without a steeple, was built for
$310. In 1809 there were eighty members, the deacons
being John Stanton, Wait Clarke, and Gardiner Moore.

The organization, though often without a pastor, pros-
pered, especially under the ministration of the Rev. John
H. Baker, son-in-law of Judge Marchant, also one of its
staunch supporters. The worshippers usually came to
church on horse back, if not on foot. Two services were
held, necessitating the bringing of noon day lunches, which
were often taken to the Peterson home and there enjoyed,
accompanied by neighborhood gossip.

In 1855 a new church was erected in Charlestown near
Clarke's Mills, and the old building soon existed only in
memory.

A quarter of a century ago the Reverend Warren Dawley,
who now owns the Perry Watson house, bought the meeting
house lot for $5. In cutting down oak trees which stood
upon it, he found iron hitching rings imbedded in the wood.
Within the lot are two graves, and just outside, over the
wall, another, reputed to be that of a suicide unworthy of
burial in holy ground.

Beyond the Meeting House at the fork of the two roads,
near Stanton's Corners, stood the community school house,
which gave School House Hill its name. It was built by
Samuel Clarke in 1812 and was used for school purposes
until it was outgrown. In 1 844 a new school house was
built in District Number 3 across Beaver River, and the

108 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

old building was moved to the farm of Samuel Clarke,
where it is still standing in a good state of preservation. The
Reverend James R. Irish, who was schoolmaster here in
1828-9, mentions among his pupils Abiel and Elijah Ken-
yon, Perry Clarke, Charles and Simeon P. Clarke — found-
ers of Clarke's Mills — Mary Clarke, daughter of Samuel
Clarke, Harriet Stanton, and Daniel Marchant, a colored
lad.

Opposite the Meeting House was the Stanton Farm. The
dwelling house, reached by a wide and grassy lane bordered
by locust trees, lingers in memory as a quiet and pleasant
retreat remote from the road, with a charming view of the
valley beyond. Fire visited it many years ago, and weeds
and bushes now grow over the stones of the fallen chimney
and cellar wall.

Near the ruins of the Stanton House is the Stanton burial
lot, hidden among forest trees which have crept over once
fertile meadows and would have encroached upon this spot
had it not been kept open by Miss Kenyon.

In the center of a grassy space are nineteen graves. A
marble stone bears the inscription:

John Stanton

Died Jan. 22, 1762

Aged 89

His Father

John Stanton

Died in Newport 1 728

Aged 83

His Grandfather

Robert Stanton

Died at Newport 1672

Aged 73

His First Wife

Elizabeth

Died at Newport 1730

Aged 50

THE STANTON PURCHASE 109

His Last Wife
Susannah

Died at Richmond 1807
Aged 92

Erected by B. Stanton, a
Great-Grandson, in 1841

Two slate stones are inscribed
In Memory of
Deacon John Stanton
who died Dec. 31

1842

In his 8 1 st year

In Memory of

Marv Stanton

Wife of

John Stanton

who died Sept. 18, 1841

in the 75 year of her age.

The remaining stones are not marked.

The Stanton house in the years of its decline was occupied
by Giffey Marchant and her son Daniel. Giffey, an ancient
dame, turbaned and bent, was an object of wonder and awe
among children ; but Daniel was beloved by all who knew
him, and served faithfully on farms where he was con-
stantly employed as a spare hand. He was a descendant of
a freed slave, Abraham, once belonging to Judge Marchant,
and a freed slave woman who had belonged to Samuel
Clarke. Abraham Marchant lived on an island in Great
Swamp, called to this day "Abraham's Island." The ruins
of the bridge by which it was reached are still visible. Daniel
was brought up in the home of Samuel Clarke and was the
playfellow and schoolmate of Samuel Clarke's grandson.
For some reason this humble workman is better remem-
bered than men of means and position, and many anecdotes
about him are still recollected in the places where he was
once known.

110 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

In the cemetery on the estate of Mrs. Marvel, where the
nineteenth century Clarkes are buried, are several graves,
probably of the family slaves. One is marked by a stone on
which is crudely cut— G. M. Died Feb. 16, 1884 Ag 91.
This stone was lettered by a kindly neighbor in the presence
of those who had assembled to honor Giffey Marchant and
her son Daniel. He was soon after laid to rest in a nameless
grave at her side.

Ancient landmarks are slowly but surely disappearing
within the Stanton Purchase. A few old houses, some
tumble-down walls and rotting fences, cellar-holes near
which the lilacs bloom in May, and the last resting places
of those long dead, alone remain to tell us of the passage
of time since YVannumachon sold the birthright of his
people to white men.

Ships' Protests, 1697-1700

(Continued from fage 79)

These are to Certifie . . . that this day appeared before mee
david Campanall of Newport in the Collony of Rhoad
Island . . . marrinr who together with Peter Raymand of
New York & Henry Johnson with Marke Moss all of the
City of New yorke Imbarked in the providence1'1 Sloope of
Rhoad Island David Campanill Above Sd Commander
And being bound for this port of Newport & being betwene
New haven & this place the Storme Arose And Sea Rune in
greatt Stress of weather over us our terpallen being Layd in
So much that wee had 14 or 15 Inches of water in the hold
to the greatt damage of marchants goods is on borde.
Signed in presence of us

Peter Raymand
Protest noted Nov. 16, 1697. Henry Johnson

MarkX Moss (11,61)

13One of the earliest boats named for the Town of Providence.

ships' protests, 1697-1700 111

Newport in Rhoad Island octobr 6th 1698
. . . wee Daniell Hempson master of the good Sloope the
Speedwell of new yorke david Campanall marr & Benj.
Cranston passanger waying Anchor the 1 7th day of Sep-
tembr Last bound from the Above Sd port of New Yorke
. . . To the porte of Boston . . . Laden with tobacko upon
fraight being marchants goods & by gods providence meat-
ting with contrary winds & Stress of waves particulurly on
the 26th day of the 7ber: being then in the Sound & Against
Bradford14 with the Riger of the Storme & Seas wee Springe
a Leake & ware forsed for the Safty of our Lives & goods
to putt into Sd Bradford And Have Ever Sence Continued
at the pumpe glas & glasse13 untill our Arrivall in this port of
Newport the 5th of octobr 1698 And may by reason of
what is Afore premiced Indge1" tht thare is damage done
to the marchants goods on bord Sd Sloope to the truth heare
of wee have taken our Sollom Engagments1' & Sett to our
hands . . .

Daniell Hunson
David Campanall18
Benj. Cranston (11,79)

14Branford, Conn.

15"glass and glass" means "watch after watch," that is, continuously.

16Injury.

17Ebenezer Slocum and Rebecca Clark signed as witnesses.

18Was David Campanall a relative of Abraham Campanall, the Newport
Jew? See R. I. Col. Rec. Ill, 243; and Rider's Book Notes, vol. XXII,
p. 98 et als.

112 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The Date of Roger Williams' Birth

The date of the birth of Roger Williams is not known.
In his writings we find six references to his age.

1. In an undated letter,1 which from its context must
have been written between July and October 1632, he
describes himself as "nearer upwards of 30 than 25," by
which he appears to mean that he was nearer 30 than 25;
that is over 27^, and hence born not later than the early
part of 1605.

2. In this letter" he also wrote of having been "perse-
cuted even in and out of my father's house these 20 years."
This is not a very definite statement, but it might well be
assumed that a child would be at least five before he was
persecuted for his religious beliefs or his lack of them. This
would seem to indicate that Roger Williams was born be-
fore 1607.

3. The third reference chronologically in regard to his
age was recently discovered by Mr. G. Andrews Moriarty
in a hitherto unpublished deposition on file in the Town
Clerk's office at Portsmouth, R. I. It states that Roger
Williams was about 56 in 1 662 which would indicate that he
was born about 1606, or in fact any time in 1605, 1606 or
1 607, for the word about makes the statement vague.

The deposition is as follows:

[Endorsed] Mr Roger Williams his testimony about
Hogge Island

Providence the 15th of November 1662. The Testimony
of Mr Roger Williams of Providence aged about 56 yeares
is as follows: I testifie in the holy presence of God that
whereas divers of our Neighbours of Rhode Island treated
with the Governor of Plimouth Mr Bradford & the Magis-

'Narra. Club. vol. VI, p. 2.
"idem.

DATE OF ROGER WILLIAMS' BIRTH 113

trates about a Plantation at Souwams they declared to us in
the name of their Colloney in the Governors house in Pli-
mouth that they could not part with souwames for they
reserved it for & desighned it of old for themselves but if
their Countrey men (aforesayd) would please to purchase
Acquednicke now called Rhoade Island with the litle Is-
lands about it they should lay no claime therunto but they
should bee glad of their full acomodation & Neighbour-
hood, and they never* in the least made any exception of
the litle Island called Hogge Island and therefore or
friendes of Portsmouth imediately upon their first plant-
inge & ever since possessed & enjoyed it.

2. When I being interpreter treated with Miantonomu
about acomodatinge of my friendes with Rhode Island hee
was exceedinge willinge & free that they should have all
possible acomodation within his power which was supreame
at that time over Ousamaquin & this whole Bay, and hee
often sayd to mee that they should injoy the litle Ilandes
about Acquednicke as well as Acquednicke it selfe.

3. At that time (as well as before) Ousamaquin con-
fessed to mee hee was subject to the Narrogansets and was
expresly sent to by Miantonomu to further all hee could this
Plantation at Acquednicke, and Ousamaquin did often in
my hearinge & to my selfe declare his willinge and free
consent that Rhode Islandmen should injoy the litle Island
called Hogge Island [as] well as Rhoade Island it selfe
Taken upon Oath or ingadgement before mee the day and
yeare abovesayd John Greene Ge11 Asistant.

The above written is entred and Recorded in page (412)
in the Town Book belonging to the town of Portsmouth pr
me John Anthony Town Clerke.

4. In 1676 he wrote' "from my childhood (now above
three score years)", which would make his childhood before
1616 and his birth presumably as early as 1 606.

3George Fox Digged out of his Burrows. N. C. vol. V, p. (unnum-
bered) lxiv. In original page a3.

114 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

5. In February 1677/8 he called himself "aged about
seventie five years,"4 which would make him born about
1 602/3 which being in round numbers might mean any time
from 1601 to 1605.

6. In July 1 679 he said'' he was "now neare Foure score
years", by which he would probably mean that he was be-
tween 70 and 80, and indicates his birth as between 1 60 1 and
1609.

The five later statements, although only approximate,
are in harmony with the period indicated by the first
statement.

From his own statements, then, it would appear that he
was born not later than the early part of 1605. On the other
hand Roger Williams was elected a scholar of the Charter-
House school 25 June 1 62 1 and as, according to the regula-
tions, boys over 14 were not admitted, it would seem to
follow that Roger Williams was born not earlier than the
latter part of 1 606 in which case he might still be considered
as "fourteen" until he reached his fifteenth birthday
anniversary.

Straus," taking the Charter-House evidence as a basis,
argues that Williams must have been under 14 in June 1621
and so born in 1607. He interprets "nearer upwards of 30
then 25" as "another way of saying he was over 25 and
under 30, or nearer to 30 than 25 is to 30 which would
agree with his date of birth in 1607; that is to say, he was
between 25 and 26 years of age."

This Charter-House evidence, which places his birth as
not earlier than June 1606, and his own statement which
makes him born not later than July 1605 seem irrecon-
cilable.

It does not seem likely that Williams could have made
a mistake in his age in 1632, while it is very possible that

4R. I.H.S. Pub. VIII, p. 156.

■r'R. l.Col. Rec. Ill, 57; R. I. H. S. Coll. Ill, 166.
''Roger Williams by Oscar S. Straus p. 1 1 .

DATE OF ROGER WILLIAMS' BIRTH 115

through the influence of Coke, the age rule of the Charter-
House was extended or even waived in Williams' case.

Mr. H. S. Wright, Secretary of the Charter-House
writing 9 Jan. 1916 states that the Governors' order of 28
June 1619 was that no scholar "be admitted or received but
that he shalbe between tenn and fourteene yeares of age,"
but Mr. Wright adds that exceptions were sometimes made.

The Benoni Waterman family bible' contains an item
written by Benoni Waterman many years after Roger
Williams' death which states that "Roger Williams was
born in Wales in 1599". This item is recorded too late to
be considered as pertinent to this discussion, but it seems to
be the first record in writing of a family tradition, which
though probably inaccurate, has been often quoted.

7In library of Rhode Island Historical Societv.

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest

"The Gilbert Stuart Birthplace. A brief History of the
Birthplace, its Purchase and Restoration, the forming of
the Corporation and Future Projects," by Caroline Hazard,
has been published as an illustrated pamphlet of 2 1 pages.

The New England Quarterly for June 1935 contains an
article on "The Library of an Eighteenth Century Gentle-
man of Rhode Island" (Henry Marchant ), by Susan Stan-
ton Brayton.

A History of the Blackstone Canal by Zelotes W. Coombs
appears in the April 1935 issue of The Worcester Historical
Society Publications.

The Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society for
January 1935 contains an article on the Touro Family of
Newport by Morris A. Gutstein.

116 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Irish Builders of Colonial Rhode Island is the title of
a pamphlet of 12 pages by Richard J. Purcell.

The American Genealogist for July 1935 contains an
article on the early generations of the Lake family in Rhode
Island by G. Andrews Moriarty.

Notes

Mr. Denison W. Greene has been elected to member-
ship in the Society.

Chief Big Thunder:

A Problematic Figure in Rhode Island Annals
By Edmund B. Delabarre

The astounding career of P. T. Barnum was a striking
illustration of people's delight in harmless humbug. Most
of us like the seeming magic of sleight-of-hand perform-
ances, especially if, after enjoying the creepy thrill of
them, we can discover later just how the illusion was pro-
duced. It is something of that type which is to engage our
present attention. A romantic-sounding character made
brief contact with Rhode Island history some seventy-five
years ago. He was described in a manner that left a glamour
of marvel and mystery about him. For the sake of their
dramatic appeal, his picturesque pretensions almost ought
to have been true. Carefully conducted impartial investiga-
tion does not seem to permit us to believe in them. It will
be a diverting task to follow the example of a book by

CHIEF BIG THUNDER 117

David P. Abbott called Behind the Scenes with Mediums,
and set forth first the first-hand tricky appearances, and
then the facts which lie behind them.

General Guy M. Fessenden, and later Miss Virginia
Baker, introduced us many years ago to the remarkable
Indian personality about whom we are inquiring. Their
tale left us with an impression of his wonderful possessions,
discoveries and abilities. During the course of my own
researches about the possible origin of the rock-inscription
near Mount Hope, some years ago, I considered him for
a short time as a doubtful candidate for the honor of having
made the carving. Soon after, I decided positively against
this possibility. But even if he could have had nothing to do
with this particular mystery, as became clearly evident, still
he remained an inviting problem in himself. Accordingly,
I made exhaustive inquiries about him, and was fortunate
enough to secure much reliable information from many
sources.*

The larger knowledge thus gained, I feel, ought not to
be lost through being left unrecorded. So I have thought it
well to assemble my notes about this unusual case, and to
introduce Francis Loring, Chief Big Thunder, anew to a
Rhode Island audience. I shall let Miss Baker first tell
about him and his exploits, and then try to see what truth
lies in the story. Although we shall find our hero, as some
of my correspondents express it, "an untruthful and un-
trustworthy old rascal," yet his big pretensions make at
least an appealing fairy-tale which is worth relating. The
whole story as it existed prior to my own inquiries was given
in 1904 by Miss Baker, as follows:

"After the close of Philip's war, the remnant of the
Wampanoags fled to Maine, and ultimately became merged

*My gratitude is due especially to Miss Baker, Mrs. Fannie Hardy
Eckstorm of Brewer, Maine, and Dr. Frank G. Speck of the University
of Pennsylvania. All of them were exceedingly patient and helpful in
answering the many queries which I addressed to them. Quotations from
them which follow herein are from correspondence conducted in 1 920.

118 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

in the Penobscot tribe. Up to half a century ago, parties of
Penobscot Indians were in the habit of making periodical
visits to Warren, camping for several days in various parts
of the town. . . . The following article, contributed by
Gen. Guy M. Fessenden, appeared in the Warren Tele-
graph issue of June 2, 1860. . . . 'Mr. Francis Loring, an
intelligent Indian, and a member of the Penobscot tribe,
who has been in this vicinity for several weeks, informed the
writer that the tribe had in their possession, and which they
carefully preserved among their national archives, an
ancient book made of skins, containing many descriptions of
important historical localities, some of which are in this
vicinity, all of them in the ancient Indian style of signs and
picture writing. One of these pictures represents four men
rolling a heavy circular stone, by a stick placed through a
hole in the centre, back and forth over a quantity of corn,
and described as the Wampanoag national grinding mill,
where corn was ground for war parties or for any large pub-
lic gathering of the people. The locality of the place was so
plainly stated that Mr. Loring had no difficulty in finding
it. It is at the place called King's Rocks in Warren, near the
Swansea line about two miles from the village.' "

Miss Baker's account states further that from another
picture in the book Mr. Loring located, near Wigwam Hill,
a mile east of the grinding place, an Indian cemetery. She
continues: "Mr. Francis Loring, known also by the name
'Big Thunder,' is now living, at an advanced age, on Indian
Old Town Island, Maine, and is the custodian of the Penob-
scot tribe. The writer recently learned from him that the
'ancient book made of skins' . . . was, a few years ago, acci-
dentally destroyed by fire."*

From my talks and correspondence with Miss Baker,
I gained a very high regard for her intelligence and good
judgment. In fact, in the above account she merely related
a remarkable story as it came to her. That she did not credit

*Virginia Baker, Massasoit's Town ; Sowams in Pokanokit. Its History,
Legends and Traditions. 1904.

CHIEF BIG THUNDER 119

it fully is evidenced by the fact that, as we shall see, she
gathered further details about this marvelous person but
did not publish them because she was not satisfied about
their reliability. None of us alone can arrive at the whole
truth. Personally, like her, I would have liked to believe
that there was such a pictographic record of Wampanoag
history as Loring claimed and she described, if only there
were good grounds for the belief; just as I would have
liked to believe that a truly remarkable stone tablet said to
have been found near Taunton was a genuine record of
long-ago conflicts of Indians with mammoths and a picto-
graphic portrayal of the wanderings of Algonkian Indians
throughout a long series of successive generations.* I find
no warrant for accepting either of them as authentic.

Even so, if in the end we must class most of Big Thun-
der's pretensions in the category of deliberate inventions,
still they do not lose a certain charm and attractiveness. If
they lack historical veracity, they may nevertheless prop-
erly appeal as a pleasing work of fiction. Only, to enjoy
them as such, we must know that that is what they are. So
we pass from wish-fulfilling myth and mystery to an exam-
ination of what we can discover about the truth.

The very first statement which I have quoted from Miss
Baker is in need of revision. Her impression that "the
remnant of the Wampanoags merged with the Penobscot
tribe" was derived from fallible local tradition. We know
on good evidence that some members of the tribe surely fled
somewhere, and it may well have been to Maine. While
granting this, persons who know the Penobscots well assure
me that there is no proof of any real "merging" of the two
tribes, and that in any case it cannot have been important
enough in amount or consequences to have served as a sound
basis for Loring's claims. Though he told people in Warren
that he was of Wampanoag descent, and was "custodian of
the national archives" of that tribe, we shall find reason to
reject such statements.

♦These Collections, 192 5, vol. 1 8, pp. 5 5ff.

120 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

There is no doubt, however, that Penobscots did visit
Warren, probably several times earlier and certainly in
1860 j just as they often went to other places, as far distant
sometimes as Philadelphia, in the summer-time, "for trade
and a good time." Loring was certainly a member of their
party in 1860. He was described by Miss Baker's aunt,
who saw him there, as "a very handsome man, over six feet
tall, very dignified and modest in appearance." The only
further details about him which I have seen in print are in
a clipping from the Boston Sunday Globe, probably of some
date in 1904. It shows a photograph of him, speaks of his
being six feet four inches tall, and gives further information
which I condense as follows: "His father died when he was
an infant and little is known of his history. His mother was
a doctress of the tribe, and practiced medicine in Boston and
Portland. She died in Portland July 4, 1833. He was then
a lad of 12, youngest of eight children. After she died, he
and his sisters began making baskets for a living. They
traveled as far as New York and Philadelphia, where they
met Barnum, with whom they remained for eight months.
He married three times and had eight children."

This would seem to fix the year of his birth as 1821,
which agrees closely with his own statement in 1860 that
he was then forty years old. But a dispatch from Oldtown,
Maine, dated April 7, 1 906, published in the Boston Globe,
stated that Old Big Thunder died on that day, at the age
of 79. This is more nearly in accord with the results of
inquiries by Mrs. Eckstorm. She could not discover the
exact truth, and says that Indians habitually add a few years
in giving their age. Her best calculations fit fairly the impli-
cation of this 1906 assertion, for she arrives at the conclu-
sion that he was born sometime about 1824 to 1827. His
parentage as well as his age is not so certain as was assumed
in the news-item cited above, which seems also to have
understated his marital status. An Indian woman who had
known him, in commenting upon this matter, remarked

CHIEF BIG THUNDER 121

that he had had eight "wives," of all nationalities and all
colors "from ebony to pea-green."

His name is variously given ; in recent years at least most
commonly as Francis Loring, Chief Big Thunder. Speck
suggests that his claim to Wampanoag descent was untrue,
and that Loring may be an old Penobscot family name,
spelled Loron in early documents, possibly derived from
the French "Laurent," a common Indian family name.
George Hunt, formerly for many years Indian agent at
Oldtown, wrote to me in 1920 that he had always supposed
Frank Loring to be a Penobscot Indian, and that the older
Indians there knew nothing about any Wampanoags joining
the Penobscots at any time. In connection with what we are
to discover shortly about his character, this certainly sug-
gests that Loring made up the story for its picturesque effect
at Warren. Mrs. Eckstorm, who has had a long and intimate
acquaintance with the Penobscots, says that until recently he
had always been known at Oldtown, not as Loring, but as
"Big Frank Lola."

He never had a bona fide Indian name; — "the Penob-
scots have lost the practice of native naming since conver-
sion to Christianity," writes Dr. Speck. There is some un-
certainty about the source of the other name by which he
was familiarly known, "Chief Big Thunder." The "Chief"
part seems to have been his own invention. I have reliable
information that he never was a chief. It has been suggested
that the "Big Thunder" part was conferred upon him
because of his preposterous stories. But it seems that it goes
back of that. Mrs. Eckstorm has probably hit upon the
actual source of it. She has an old circus poster which leaves
date and place to be filled in in writing, and announces that
a troupe of actors and actresses of a tribe from west of the
Rocky Mountains is to give an exhibition "under the direc-
tion of the Famous Indian Prophet Big Thunder." The
particular one of these posters which she has announces a
performance in Brewer, Maine, year not stated but prob-
ably about 1855. The actual exhibitors there, as she knows

122 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

from a trustworthy source, were Francis Lola and two
nephews (or cousins). She surmises that Lola had traveled
with the original troupe, had swiped a lot of the handbills,
"and then had the face to come back to this town, where
they were known to everyone, and show these circulars
stating that they came from 'west of the Rocky Mountains.'
My father ( Manly Hardy) used to say that Big Thunder
took his name from this circus program. As it unquestion-
ably was printed for some other 'prophet' than he, I should
say he stole the name, and the tribe let him keep it as a
huge joke."

This was doubtless not his only venture in the circus
business. There is no reason to doubt the statement that he
was with Barnum for a time in his early youth. He once
told George Hunt that he had traveled with Barnum's
shows for twenty years, all over the country. The Globe,
however, boils down this exaggeration to a mere eight
months. Barnum makes no reference to him in his pub-
lished reminiscences, although he does speak of having
been "in the habit of engaging parties of American Indians
from the far West to exhibit at the Museum," for many
years previous to 1864.* In the midst of his vast array of
other "unsurpassed curiosities," our Big Thunder made too
little individual impression upon him to be singled out for
special mention. How long their actual relationship lasted
we have no means of knowing. Evidently it was long
enough to give Loring some useful training in preparation
for his later career.

About Loring's character, apart from the impression he
made at Warren, I find absolutely undeviating agreement.
A few quotations from my correspondence will suffice to
make this clear. One of the mildest of them is this: "He
was quite a character, and had many virtues. He had fail-
ings, however, and one of them was a certain exaggeration
or amplification that sometimes shot wide of the truth."

*P. T. Barnum, Struggles and Triumphs, 1874, p. 5 73.

CHIEF BIG THUNDER 123

Others remark, practically unanimously, that he was a pic-
turesque and unrestrained liar. "No one who knew him
would believe a word he said. He must have told some
truth; but it takes an expert to sort out his stuff, and any
claims that he ever made for himself are so sure to be false
that they are not worth arguing over." "He would have
been willing to claim that he was Philip re-incarnated if the
idea had struck him; and he would have acted the part, too!
What he said about himself would not matter in the least."
It was mostly "stuff and nonsense" that he narrated. "There
was no odor of sanctity about old Big Thunder. The old
fellow was held in little esteem by his tribesmen, and it was
all he deserved." These seem to be entirely impartial and
reliable estimates of his prevailing characteristics, and we
shall find them further exemplified in what follows. He
was a natural show-man, a little Barnum, and he made his
living out of it.

The most intriguing thing to us Rhode Islanders in the
story of his adventures in Warren is that mysterious "book
of skins" which was said to depict important features of
the history of the Wampanoags. It would have been a price-
less possession for preservation among our State's historical
treasures, if authentic and procurable. But we are well pre-
pared now to estimate the value of the assertions which he
made about it. The most detailed description of it extant is
in the manuscript note-book of Miss Baker, from which she
permitted me to make an excerpt. It must not be inferred
that she trusted the story without reservation. Although it
appealed to her as something that would be important and
absorbingly interesting if true, yet she did not put faith
enough in it to be willing to publish it without surer knowl-
edge. She gave me permission, however, to use it if I saw
fit, and I am certain that she would have approved of its
inclusion in this present setting. The pertinent passage is
dated 1903, and relates the result of an investigation made
for her by a friend who had been to Indian Old Town

124 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Island and had had an interview with Big Thunder. Her
account of it follows:

"He (Big Thunder) told all about the ancient 'book of
skins' referred to by Gen. Fessenden. It was burned, as the
Indian agent wrote me several years ago. The book, for
many years, was believed to be made of skins, but it was
discovered that the so-called skins were really sheets of
birch bark cured in a way that made them look like skins.
Big Thunder showed a piece of bark prepared in the same
way, and one could not tell it from a skin. This ancient
book was a sort of chart or record of localities in Warren,
Bristol, and part of Providence. By it Big Thunder located
King's Rocks, King Philip's Chair, the Indian Burial Place
on Edward Mason's farm on the Big Swamp Road, and
other Indian localities. Big Thunder said that in the chart
was a picture of a niche in the side of a hill with an Indian
seated in it shooting at a head-dress set up on a rock at
some distance ahead of him. The meaning of this picture is
that King Philip used to practice marksmanship by shooting
the feathers off the head-dress. The niche was King Philip's
Chair at Mount Hope. The chart showed that near this
Chair there was wampum buried. Big Thunder dug and
unearthed a collar of purple and white beads. It was shaped
to fit the neck, the groundwork being of the purple beads
with a sort of vine-like design of white. Big Thunder as
custodian of the tribe had the collar. He keeps it in an old
cracked blue pitcher."

There seems to be here some evidence that Big Thunder's
story about the book had grown somewhat in the interval
since he had told it to Fessenden 43 years before. All my
informants are very skeptical about this peculiar book. For
one thing, no one can be found who ever saw it, whether
Fessenden in 1860, or anyone later! It may have existed,
or may not. Even if it did, as one person expresses it, "he
may have made it himself, and burned part or all of it.
Indians are apt to hoax nice people this way when they
think their victims are gullible and eager." The value of

CHIEF BIG THUNDER 125

Loring's word for it we have probed already. Another
correspondent observes rightly that so far as its contents
have been described it would be a very queer sort of book
for Indians to preserve — why should they wish to have
charts of ancient cornmills and graveyards? Loring was
wandering about in the vicinity of Warren "for several
weeks," and no chart would have been needed to help him
find the places which Jie located. It cannot possibly have
revealed the burial place of the collar described: "collars
of wampum thirty years ago were common on Oldtown
Island and Big Thunder probably got his beads there ; no
collar woven of wampum could last long in the ground."
Moreover, "there is no such thing as 'keeper of the records
of the tribe.' " And finally, a well-informed local Indian
had never heard of the existence of such a book. It seems to
have been invented by our gifted deceiver especially to
appeal to a Rhode Island audience.

When I first heard of it, I naturally was eager to learn
everything possible about it, and to discover whether there
was any chance at all that it might have been an authentic
pictographic source -book of local Indian history. Such
things are not unknown. The Lenni Lenape (Delawares)
had a pictographic Walam Olum, outlining the history of
their migrations ; and B. Perley Poore found in the French
archives an "Indian Hieroglyphic Picture Book," the
"Livre des Sauvages," written about 1680.* After such
reports as I have now related, all my hopes in this direction
were completely shattered. The outcome, nevertheless,
leaves us with a still quaint texture of pleasing inventions to
console us for the lack of historical veridity. Our "custodian
of the tribe" naturally had other treasures to show to inter-
ested visitors. What can be learned about these throws
further light on the general nature of his pretensions and
is worth placing on record. I have two lists of them, one
recorded by Miss Baker in 1903, the other noted down by

*E. B. Delabarre, Dighton Rock, 1 928, pp. 1 77, 272, 278.

126 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Mrs. Eckstorm in 1901. The latter says that at the time of
her visit he displayed a birch bark sign reading: "Big Thun-
der, Indian relics and Indian traditions told." Both remark
that he kept the articles in a box or trunk under his bed.
There is not a single identifiable article that is the same in
the two lists, unless those which I have numbered 1 and 2
are the same in both cases. Apparently he sold them when
he could, and kept changing them and his stories about them
to suit the interests of his particular hearers. It was his busi-
ness to sell relics with interesting stories attached to them.
One list, together with the tale of the mythical pictographic
book, has the appearance of having been designed for Rhode
Island consumption especially. The other and earlier one
has nothing in it reminiscent of that design. Miss Baker's
list of the treasures is as follows:

1 . A knife given by the Mohawks to the Penobscots.

2. The collar of wampum described above, used at
marriage ceremonies.

3. An iron hatchet given by King Philip to the Penob-
scots, the first iron hatchet ever owned by the tribe. ( But
see a later story about King Philip's axe.)

4. An iron tomahawk given to the tribe by King Philip.

5. A pestle which Big Thunder found at King's Rocks.

6. A red sandstone peace-pipe obtained from the
Cherokees.

7. The war-bow of the tribe. Very curious. String of
caribou hide.

Mrs. Eckstorm's list, of two years earlier, is longer:

1. Scalping knife taken from the Mohawks when they
were beaten by the Penobscots! A very curious, long knife,
very long narrow blade inlaid with bright metal, color of
brass, and with an engraved brass handle riveted in pieces
upon the steel handle. Apparently French make.

2. A piece beaded with purple wampum edged with
white, beads set on diagonal lines, piece about 2 by 8 inches,
buckskin fringes.

CHIEF BIG THUNDER 127

3. Strings of purple wampum.

4. Necklace of points of caribou hoofs.

5. Necklace of bear's claws with a "medal of human
bone."

6. Small silver brooches from 2 to 4 inches in diameter,
without ornament.

7. Two powder horns, one ancient.

8. Some stone tools", knife, axe, etc., in handles.

9. Flint and steel.

10. Scalping knife (after the pattern of Col. Bowie!)
'used by the Spaniards in the massacre of Indians at Pema-
quid!' A heavy, rusty knife with wood handle covered
apparently with snake skin or shark skin scraped thin.

11. Various tomahawks of bloody history, and blud-
geons of modern make.

12. Pictures of Molly Molasses 'at the age of 110,
wearing her widow's cap.' ( Molly was never married j died
aged 92.)

13. The relics sent by Queen Isabella to Mrs. Polis,
mother of Joseph Polis, wife of a chief! ! (a) A silver
'crown' — otherwise a silver hat-band. This was a flexible
belt of silver, thin, not very heavy, about 3 inches wide,
chased in lines like one of our brooches and with a line of
openwork holes near the top. (b) Several strings of glass
beads, blue and garnet, small size but good color, (c) Gold
ear-rings, diamond ring, and autograph letter (these last
not seen ; ring lost ) .

14. The game of bowls. This was undoubtedly very
ancient. The bowl was a shallow disk of wood about 14
inches across, made, so Lola said, with stone tools and 200
years old. The counters were bone buttons about 1 *4 inches
across, plain one side and marked with a simple design of
curved lines on the other. The game was, putting them in
the bowl, to bring it down with a thump that would make
the counters jump. If all fell one side up, it counted j if they
fell heads and tails, it did not.

128 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Through her intimate knowledge of Indians both here
and in the West, Mrs. Eckstorm was able to catch old Lola
in a number of untrue statements both about the relics and
in general conversation. It is hardly necessary to relate them
here, as we have instances enough to demonstrate his utter
unreliability and unbridled imagination. She quotes one
old Indian as saying: "You see, he never could bear to have
anyone tell a bigger story than he could. He always had to
'over it.' " But there is one more illustration of his charac-
teristic inability to stick to truth that is worth relating. Mrs.
Eckstorm's brother had a guide, who told him once : "There
was that d — d old rascal telling my mother that that was
King Philip's axe that he used to kill our people; and it was
the same old axe I had just found in Passadumkeag Rips at
low water and given to him."

I cannot better close this study of a curious personality,
whose reputed strange gifts and possessions turn out to be
so tame and understandable, than by quoting again a passage
from one of Dr. Speck's letters which I have published once
before: "He was a 'show-man' in every sense of the term.
He was a most unreserved liar and no secret was made of it
among the Penobscot. His business was the deception of the
public. He had a little relic shop on Indian Island where
he sold 'ancient relics' which he manufactured, and I have
encountered many stories and traditions which were his
own invention. Among them must be included the 'ancient
Book' hoax. In short, Big Thunder was a joke among all
who knew the Indians."

Despite this unavoidable conclusion, Big Thunder was a
'picturesque old rascal,' who contributes to our entertain-
ment if not to historical knowledge. It has been well worth
while to have sought out the facts about him, as a one-time
visitor to Rhode Island who created a teasing mystery and
a flurry of interest and curiosity which the previously pub-
lished accounts of him in Rhode Island literature have left
unclarined.

Form of Legacy

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island

Historical Society the sum of

dollars."

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Roger Williams Press M^li*'

E. A. Johnson Co.

PROVIDENCE

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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS

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